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The briefing estimates that fossil fuels sold by Equinor in 2025 will cause between 34,000 and 58,000 additional deaths, while products sold since 2018 will result in 260,000 to 450,000 deaths. It contrasts these human costs with Norway's record fossil fuel export revenues, which reached 7,093,099 million NOK between January 2020 and July 2026. The document argues that the 'social cost of carbon' is significantly higher when including mortality, suggesting that Equinor's 2025 net operating income of $5 billion incurred a social cost of $66 billion.

The author advocates for a ban on fossil fuel advertising in Norway to protect public health and support climate policy, noting that over 50 cities globally have already adopted such measures. The text argues that advertising normalizes fossil fuel use and that public health and environmental interests outweigh commercial advertising rights, as demonstrated in legal cases in The Hague.

The Petroganda Prize 2025 long list identifies various entities and campaigns in Norway that the publisher, Klimakultur, views as 'petroganda'. The document categorizes these nominees into eight areas: children and youth education, sports, folk festivals, campaigns, media and public debate, research, arts and culture, and health and humanitarian work. It specifically highlights how companies like Equinor, Vår Energi, Aker BP, and Gassco sponsor science centers, sports teams, and art festivals to create a narrative of being 'part of the solution' to the climate crisis. The document argues that these partnerships allow the fossil fuel industry to influence young people and the public, effectively masking the environmental and health damages caused by oil and gas production.

The analysis finds that Norway experienced at least one additional week of winter days above freezing annually from 2014 to 2023 due to climate change. Approximately 80% of Norway's divisions saw more than one additional week of such days each year. The report notes that this loss of winter chill impacts snowfall, winter sports, water supplies, crops, and spring allergies.

The Longship project is a Norwegian industrial-scale carbon capture and storage (CCS) network designed to decarbonize heavy industries where electrification is not feasible. The project consists of two initial capture sites—a cement plant in Brevik and a waste-to-energy plant in Oslo—and the Northern Lights transport and storage infrastructure. The Norwegian government is funding approximately two-thirds of the first phase, which exceeds 3.5 billion CAD, with the goal of creating a commercially viable cross-border storage service for European emitters. The document highlights the importance of holistic government support, including regulatory streamlining and increasing carbon pricing, while noting criticisms regarding the use of public funds to support the oil and gas sector.

Longship is a Norwegian megaproject designed to create a full-chain carbon capture and storage network, linking industrial capture sites to offshore storage in the North Sea. The Norwegian government is funding approximately two-thirds of the first phase, valued at over C$3.5 billion, to overcome high upfront costs and regulatory barriers. The project includes two initial capture sites—a cement factory in Brevik and a waste-to-energy plant in Oslo—and the Northern Lights transport and storage facility. While phase one is heavily subsidized, phase two aims for commercial viability by providing storage services to industrial emitters across Europe. The document highlights the importance of addressing non-financial barriers, such as regulatory red tape, and leveraging existing national expertise to jumpstart a regional CCS market.

Analysis of 19 Winter Olympic host cities shows an average February warming of 4.8 °F since 1950, with some cities like Oslo warming by 9.8 °F. A University of Waterloo study indicates that under a high-emissions scenario, only one host city (Sapporo) would reliably provide safe and fair outdoor snow sports conditions by the 2080s. The Paralympic Games face higher risks due to their typical March scheduling, which coincides with warmer temperatures and a higher probability of rain.

The paper examines the 'socio-legal ripple effects' of the July 22, 2011 attacks in Norway, arguing that the state primarily utilized ordinary legal institutions and welfare schemes rather than ad-hoc mechanisms to manage the aftermath. It analyzes how this reliance on ordinary law shaped the allocation of financial resources, the definition of 'victim' identity, and the judicialization of conflicts surrounding national memorials and the demolition of the Y-block in the Government Quarter.

The report 'Together for Safety 21 Ways Forward' outlines strategies for urban leaders to combat extremism and polarisation, exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. It identifies trends such as the 'gamification of extremism' and the use of conspiracy theories by right-wing and jihadist groups to target minorities and youth. The document provides 21 guiding principles across four themes: preventing extremism post-pandemic, countering online hate, securing public spaces, and empowering youth. Key recommendations include adopting evidence-based 'hot spot mapping', investing in youth-led organisations, and strengthening mental health initiatives to build community resilience.

The report presents findings from 80 semi-structured interviews with Polish and Romanian migrants in Barcelona and Oslo. It explores how these individuals perceive democracy, corruption, and social rights in their host and origin countries, and analyzes the motivations and barriers associated with voting from abroad. Key findings indicate that while migration can broaden perspectives, it rarely fundamentally shifts core political alignments. Voting behaviour is influenced by a mix of national identity, tactical goals, and practical accessibility, with mobilisation occurring primarily through personal networks rather than state-led campaigns.

The author, Nils Petter Gleditsch, reviews two 1966 NRK television broadcasts that served as a major public introduction to the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO). The programs featured Johan Galtung and various researchers presenting early peace research projects, including studies on children's perceptions of peace, international airline patterns, and diplomatic simulations. The text documents the institutional growth of PRIO, its early use of electronic data processing, and the specific academic contributions of its early staff and students.

The research explores the concept of 'active citizenship' as a differentiating norm in Denmark and Norway, rather than just a descriptive term for civic engagement. Through ethnographic fieldwork in Oslo and Copenhagen, the author finds that while many people align with official policy goals—such as volunteering in local, child-centred, and secular arenas—marginalized individuals often resist these narrow definitions. The study argues that active citizenship is frequently used to create boundaries between 'good citizens' (who are typically imagined as middle-class, able-bodied, and culturally similar) and 'failed' or 'tolerated' citizens. The author advocates for a 'differentiated universalism' that recognizes informal care, faith-based engagement, and transnational activities as valid forms of societal contribution, moving beyond the binary of active versus passive citizenship.

The report assesses green public procurement (GPP) in Tallinn, finding that while 17% of procurements are registered as green, 92% of these rely solely on ISO 14001 certification and do not meet EU GPP definitions. Key barriers include a lack of time, experience, and centralized information. The report recommends establishing a strategic framework, creating a GPP competence center within the procurement sector, and developing product-group-specific model criteria to increase the quality and quantity of sustainable purchases.

The report argues that a well-designed climate accountability framework can increase government transparency and coordination across different levels of government to meet 2030 and 2050 targets. Based on international and domestic case studies, it identifies six common elements of such frameworks and proposes a national Canadian model that balances federal leadership with subnational flexibility.

The report analyzes climate accountability frameworks—systems that break long-term greenhouse gas targets into interim milestones—using case studies from jurisdictions like the UK, Aotearoa/New Zealand, British Columbia, and Manitoba. It identifies six common elements and associated best practices, such as legislating targets, ensuring independent expert advice, and using cumulative carbon budgets. For Canada, the authors recommend a national framework with legally binding milestones set only at the national level to avoid regional burden-sharing conflicts, while encouraging subnational governments to implement their own complementary frameworks. The report emphasizes a collaborative approach where the federal government provides policy backstops and financial incentives to ensure a resilient, multi-jurisdictional response to climate change.

The policy brief examines the intersection of migrant integration and development contributions, specifically focusing on the Norwegian experience. It argues that while diaspora members engage in development and remittance-sending largely independently of government policy, the quality of their integration—including their economic stability and legal security—significantly influences their capacity to contribute. The authors critique the current fragmentation of migration, integration, and development policies, noting that some security-focused narratives regarding remittances can stigmatize these contributions. The brief recommends recognizing diaspora initiatives as transnational civic engagement and reducing remittance costs to enhance development outcomes.

The report analyzes seven European Green Capital (EGC) winners—Bristol, Ljubljana, Essen, Nijmegen, Oslo, Lisbon, and Lahti—across 12 environmental domains to establish 'threshold activities' necessary for reaching the EGC finals. Comparing these to Tallinn, the study finds that while Tallinn excels in air quality, green space proportion, and the use of green electricity in municipal buildings, it lags in CO2 emissions per capita, waste landfilling rates, and the formal adoption of strategic planning documents. Key findings highlight the importance of carbon neutrality targets by 2050, integrated sustainable mobility strategies, and the implementation of 'polluter pays' principles in waste management.

The report examines the technical, legal, and strategic landscape of counter-unmanned aircraft systems (C-UAS), arguing that current technology is often ineffective and hindered by outdated legal frameworks. It assesses specific risks to Norwegian infrastructure, such as airports and oil platforms, and explores how Norway can leverage EU and NATO initiatives to enhance its capabilities while avoiding the over-securitization of civilian airspace.

The ACT project examines how cultural and religious diversity shapes active citizenship in Oslo and Copenhagen. It argues that normative definitions of 'good citizenship' often overlook informal, private, and religious forms of engagement. The research highlights that socio-economic divisions within cities often create more significant differences in civic participation than national differences between Norway and Denmark. It also explores the role of life events, such as trauma or exclusion, as catalysts for civic action and proposes 'moderate inclusivism' as a framework for integrating religious arguments into public deliberation.

The report examines the 'trust crisis' between Polish immigrants and the Norwegian child welfare services (barnevernet), comparing institutional approaches in Norway and Poland. It identifies that trust is influenced by communication, cultural competence, and socio-economic factors, while highlighting a significant lack of English-language research on the topic. Key findings suggest that immigrant parents often perceive child welfare services as a threat rather than a support system, and that the effectiveness of interventions depends on the caseworker's ability to provide clear information and respect the family's needs.