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The paper examines the instrumental link between income inequality and social trust, which is considered essential for the collective action required for sustainability. Using a generalized linear mixed model (GLMM) on World Values Survey data from 20 country-year combinations, the author finds that both absolute income and income inequality significantly influence social trust. Specifically, trust rises with income but falls as income inequality (measured by the Gini coefficient) increases. The analysis suggests that neither economic growth nor redistribution alone is sufficient to significantly raise trust levels in low-trust societies; instead, a combination of stable growth and narrowing income distributions over approximately two decades is required to produce meaningful changes in social cohesion.

The author argues that while the end of the Cold War initially saw a rise in local conflicts, the overall trend is moving toward a more peaceful world. This optimism is grounded in the observed decline in the number of armed conflicts since the late 1990s and the positive influence of global trends such as poverty reduction, democratization, and the rise of international military interventions for conflict settlement. The analysis highlights that internal conflicts (civil wars) are the dominant form of violence and are most strongly linked to poverty, though the author distinguishes between 'greed' and 'grievance' motivations. The document also notes that while ethnic polarization and resource scarcity are often cited as causes of war, systematic evidence is often ambiguous or secondary to broader economic and political factors.

The document examines the negative impacts of ISDS on environmental and climate policy, noting that at least 175 cases are tied to environmental measures. It argues that the threat of arbitration disincentivizes states from enacting climate laws and that current treaty reforms are insufficient, suggesting that treaty termination and a shift toward domestic courts are the most effective solutions.

A coalition of European civil society organisations (CSOs) is protesting a campaign of disinformation led by some Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) from the European People’s Party (EPP) and far-right groups. The attack specifically targets the legitimacy of public funding for environmental NGOs under the LIFE programme. The statement argues that independent CSOs are essential for a functioning democracy and a fully informed decision-making process, contrasting the modest public grants received by NGOs with the high spending of corporate lobbyists in Brussels.

The report form classifies the Global Subnational Climate Fund (SnCF Global), managed by Pegasus Capital Advisors (PCA), as a Category I-2 programme. It confirms that an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS) has been established and disclosed in multiple languages to accommodate target countries across Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Mediterranean.

The document outlines a multisectoral approach to preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) at the sub-national level. It details a five-step process for creating Local Action Plans (LAPs): securing political buy-in, conducting risk assessments, developing a Theory of Change, establishing coordination structures like Local Prevention Networks (LPNs), and legislating the plan. The guide emphasizes a 'whole-of-city' approach, drawing heavily on the Kenyan County Action Plan (CAP) model, and provides frameworks for monitoring and evaluation (M&E) to ensure sustainability beyond donor funding.

The Strong Cities Network (SCN) toolkit, developed by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, guides local authorities in managing the social consequences of terror attacks. It emphasizes the shift toward 'soft targets' in urban centers and the critical role of municipal leadership in preventing social division. The guide details strategies for community engagement, including mapping vulnerable groups and using both direct and indirect outreach. It provides a comprehensive communications framework to de-escalate tensions, combat misinformation, and avoid the glorification of perpetrators. Additionally, it outlines the establishment of psychosocial support working groups to address collective and individual trauma. The document includes leadership checklists and worksheets to help city officials coordinate with national authorities and local stakeholders to build long-term urban resilience.

The study examines whether ethnic civil war increases ethnonationalism and if direct exposure to violence strengthens these attitudes. Using data from 1989 and 2003, the author finds that while ethnonationalism increased significantly in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia, it remained stable in Kosovo and Macedonia. Individual war exposure only significantly increased ethnonationalism in Croatia, suggesting that the relationship between conflict and nationalism is context-dependent rather than deterministic.

The report examines how environmental issues in Cyprus can either exacerbate conflict or facilitate peace-building. It analyzes the political, legal, and administrative asymmetries between the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot administration, noting that fragmented planning leads to environmental degradation, such as illegal quarrying in the Pentadaktylos and Androlikou/Gündoğdu areas. The document reviews various levels of cooperation, from intergovernmental organizations like the UN and EU to the Bi-communal Technical Committee on the Environment (BTCE) and grassroots ENGOs. It concludes with proposals for a Buffer Zone Peace Park, UNESCO Biosphere Reserves, and a bi-communal ecological studies centre in Varisheia to foster long-term reconciliation.

The research paper analyzes individual-level support for the 2001 Framework Agreement in Macedonia using a geo-referenced survey from 2005. The authors test whether local ethnic settlement patterns or proximity to conflict zones influence reconciliation preferences. The primary finding is that ethnic identity is the dominant factor, with ethnic Albanians strongly supporting the agreement and ethnic Macedonians predominantly opposing it, while contextual factors like local ethnic parity or distance to violence have only feeble or insignificant effects.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of global conflict trends from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 54 state-based conflicts in 2019. It highlights the significant role of the Islamic State (IS) in driving recent conflict increases and the prevalence of internationalized civil conflicts. While battle-related deaths have generally decreased over the last 20 years, specific hotspots in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia remain deadly. The paper also analyzes the decline in peace agreements since 2015 and the persistence of non-state conflicts, particularly violent drug cartel activity in Latin America and communal violence in Africa.

The study analyzes 142 self-determination movements across 77 countries to determine the preventive effects of UNSC actions. It finds that direct diplomatic engagement significantly reduces the probability of armed conflict onset. Additionally, while direct force and sanctions show limited or positive correlations with conflict, indirect authorizations of force and sanctions—those applied in a broader regional or state-wide context—act as powerful deterrents, reducing the likelihood of civil war for related self-determination groups.

The author examines the post-communist trajectories of Central and Southeastern Europe, arguing that the collapse of communism was foreseeable and constituted a comprehensive revolution. The text analyzes debates over whether the process was a 'transition' or 'transformation' and identifies key determinants of democratic consolidation, such as the absence of war, the role of the European Union, and educational attainment. It specifically refutes the 'ancient hatreds' myth regarding the Yugoslav meltdown, attributing the conflict instead to system illegitimacy, economic decay, and the agency of leaders like Slobodan Milošević.

The WARICC codebook details the construction of a dataset designed to analyze the frequency and intensity of domestic water-related conflict and cooperation. Using BBC Monitoring as its primary source, the project employs an 11-point Water-Events Scale (WES) to categorize events from substantial national improvements (+5) to overt physical violence or national deterioration (-5). The methodology addresses potential data biases related to urban areas, regime types, and extreme events, while providing a comprehensive system of country and actor codes for standardized reporting.

The research analyzes UNSC resolutions in self-determination disputes to determine what drives the UN's decision to take preventive action. The authors find that the UN is significantly more likely to intervene in nonviolent disputes that have a history of violence or are located in regions with a high potential for contagion. While the UN employs a variety of tools—most notably diplomacy and condemnation—political constraints, particularly the interests of the P-5 members, limit its ability to act based on specific dispute-level characteristics like factionalism or economic status.