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The document analyzes the transitions from peacekeeping to peacebuilding in Liberia and Sierra Leone, arguing that while both countries have shown resilience, UN transitions often fail to address the root causes of conflict. It highlights the importance of local ownership, the role of regional organizations like ECOWAS, and the need for sustained capacity building for civil society and governance reforms to ensure long-term stability.

The document examines the pervasive impact of corruption on African youth, who are identified as both primary victims and increasingly as perpetrators. It highlights how corruption fuels instability, conflict, and migration, while arguing that current youth engagement in anti-corruption efforts is superficial. The brief recommends structural changes, including amending the AU Advisory Board on Corruption's membership and implementing access to information laws, to ensure youth are active partners in designing and driving anti-corruption initiatives.

The document outlines the proceedings of a three-day conference focused on the causes, mechanisms, and aftermath of state capture in South Africa. It examines the role of apartheid legacies, the influence of the private sector, the vulnerability of state-owned enterprises, and the failure of oversight institutions. The report emphasizes that state capture is a politico-economic project involving both formal and informal power, often facilitated by the politicization of the bureaucracy and the erosion of the criminal justice system. It argues for comprehensive state reform, including electoral changes, transparency in party funding, and the protection of whistleblowers, while drawing comparisons with state capture in Nigeria, Kenya, and Angola.

The document estimates that in 2016, 1.35 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries, with 357 million living in 'conflict zones' defined as within 50 km of a lethal conflict event. Asia has the highest absolute number of affected children, while the Middle East has the highest proportional risk. The number of children in conflict zones has increased by over 50% since the 1990s, with nearly half living in high-intensity conflict zones in 2016. The authors highlight a critical lack of systematic data on direct harms like killing and maiming, urging increased investment in data collection and targeted policy interventions.

The document provides a mapping of children living in conflict settings, distinguishing between those in conflict-affected countries and those in 'conflict zones' (within 50km of fighting). In 2017, approximately 1.8 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries, while 420 million lived in conflict zones. Asia has the highest absolute number of affected children, but the Middle East has the highest proportion relative to its population. The report also notes a rise in the number of children in conflict zones since 2000 and discusses the severe impact of the denial of humanitarian access, particularly in South Sudan, Yemen, Syria, and the Central African Republic.

The report examines the Nigerian minigrid sector, highlighting a potential annual revenue opportunity of ₦2.8 trillion (US$8 billion). Based on audits of ten commercial projects, it identifies best practices such as optimal site selection, community engagement, and appliance financing. While the regulatory environment is generally supportive, the report identifies barriers including high hardware costs, limited affordable finance, and inconsistent customs processes, proposing a series of stakeholder-specific actions to accelerate market growth.

The workshop, organised by SAIIA and IPPR, provided training to over 50 civil society members on the APRM's structure and the importance of early engagement. Key recommendations included the formation of a civil society working group and the development of a detailed written submission to influence the national review. Participants identified critical national issues for the submission, including land ownership, urban housing, the informal economy, education, and youth unemployment. The report also highlighted lessons from other African nations, noting that while the APRM can drive policy changes, such as women's rights in Lesotho, its impact is often limited by poor implementation of National Programmes of Action.

The report finds that while electricity access finance in 20 high-impact countries increased to USD 30.2 billion per year in 2015-16, it remains far below the USD 52 billion needed annually for universal access by 2030. Investment is heavily skewed toward non-residential consumers and grid-connected technologies, including a doubling of fossil fuel investments to USD 8 billion. Clean cooking finance has decreased to USD 30 million per year, a fraction of the USD 4.4 billion required. Geographically, finance is concentrated in a few countries, with Sub-Saharan Africa falling further behind despite having the highest need.

The report analyzes electricity access in 20 high-deficit countries by comparing government reports, utility data, household surveys, and solar sales. It consistently finds that household consumption (wealth) is a stronger driver of access disparity than gender, although specific national patterns vary. In many cases, significant gaps exist between formal utility connection rates and household survey results, often attributed to off-grid solutions, informal connections, or self-supply methods like diesel generators.

The report examines the intersection of global energy trends and gender equality, arguing that universal energy access by 2030 requires moving beyond 'business-as-usual' to address systemic discrimination. It identifies decentralization, affordability, and mobile payments as potential catalysts for inclusion, while urbanization and humanitarian crises present significant hurdles. Through case studies in five countries, the document highlights how barriers such as lack of land tenure, digital gender gaps, and inadequate financial services prevent women from leveraging these trends to improve their livelihoods and health.

The report argues that fossil fuel subsidy reform (FFSR) is a critical tool for financing a just transition, as global subsidies total at least USD 425 billion per year. It posits that FFSR can reduce global carbon emissions by roughly 10 per cent by 2050 if both production and consumption subsidies are eliminated. The document outlines a framework for successful reform based on three elements: getting prices right, managing impacts, and building support. Through case studies of Morocco, Mexico, Argentina, Indonesia, and the Netherlands, the report demonstrates that while FFSR can create budgetary space for social safety nets and renewable energy, a lack of stakeholder engagement and abrupt price hikes—as seen in Mexico—can lead to civil unrest. Conversely, the Netherlands' long-term transition of its coal sector illustrates how targeted supports and social dialogue can protect workers during industrial shifts.

The report analyzes the longevity of President Idriss Déby's regime in Chad, highlighting his use of 'armed diplomacy' and military interventions in Mali, CAR, and against Boko Haram to secure international political capital and support from France and the US. It details a domestic system based on ethnic patronage, rigged elections, and repression, while warning that the lack of a clear succession plan, combined with a severe economic crisis driven by falling oil prices and corruption, threatens future stability.

The briefing highlights the potential of urbanisation to improve lives through innovative governance and decentralisation. It uses examples from Nordic cities, Asia, and North America to demonstrate how city-level action can bypass national delays in implementing SDGs. For Africa, the text suggests that adapting these global urban successes to local contexts—while addressing specific challenges like poverty and instability—can catalyse sustainable development.

The report finds that while executive education (ExEd) is in high demand and improves employee skills, innovation, and customer service within sub-Saharan African financial institutions, it remains overly theoretical. Graduates report increased professional mobility but dissatisfaction with pay, particularly when self-funding. The document recommends shifting toward practical, African-centered curricula and establishing partnerships with international business schools to enhance prestige and effectiveness.

Nigeria faces a severe deficit in basic physical infrastructure, particularly in sanitation, water, electricity, and roads, which hinders economic growth and human development. Benchmarked against lower middle-income peers, Nigeria lags significantly, and current trajectories suggest it will miss several Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. The report models several interventions, finding that increasing access to improved sanitation and clean water provides the highest returns for poverty reduction and health outcomes. However, achieving these targets requires overcoming significant challenges in government capacity, funding, and a heavy reliance on oil revenues.

The document analyzes the divergent priorities between the EU, which focuses on stemming irregular migration and border control, and African nations, which prioritize development, employment, and legal mobility. It critiques the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF) for using aid conditionality to secure readmission agreements and argues that a lack of AU consensus, combined with restrictive bilateral agreements, hinders a coherent continental approach to migration.

The document argues that 'business-as-usual' energy solutions fail the poorest populations, particularly women and those in rural Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia. It proposes two primary pathways for acceleration: integrating energy services into social protection safety nets and empowering women as entrepreneurs within the energy value chain. The paper highlights the role of digitalization and mobile money in improving targeting and financial inclusion, while noting significant gaps in evidence and funding for decentralized energy projects compared to general subsidies.

The community of Doevi Kope in Togo is resisting oil exploration after being alerted by Les Amis de la Terre Togo to the risks of environmental degradation and loss of livelihoods. Following a 2012 confirmation of oil deposits, the government initially signed a contract with the Italian company ENI, which was later cancelled due to advocacy campaigns. Community members who visited Ghana and studied cases in Nigeria observed that oil extraction led to fish kills, poisoned farmland, and failed promises of resettlement and employment. The community also notes a history of displacement and coastal erosion caused by port construction in the 1960s and current new port projects. Despite the cancellation of the ENI contract, the government is reportedly seeking a new partner to proceed with extraction.

The Doevi Kope community in Togo, supported by Les Amis de la Terre Togo, is resisting oil exploration following the 2012 confirmation of oil off their coast. After the government signed a contract with the Italian company ENI without community knowledge, a campaign led to the contract's cancellation. Community members' opposition is informed by visits to Ghana and reports from Nigeria and Chad, where they observed oil pollution killing fish, poisoning farmland, and destroying livelihoods. The community also cites previous government failures, such as a 1960s harbor project that caused severe coastal erosion and house destruction. Despite the initial contract cancellation, the government is reportedly seeking a new partner for oil extraction.

The document details the resistance of communities in Doevi Kope, Gbetsogbe, and Katanga against offshore oil exploration in Togo. Following the discovery of oil deposits in 2012 and a secret contract with the Italian energy company ENI, local activists and residents campaigned to have the contract terminated. The resistance is informed by observed impacts in Nigeria, Chad, and Ghana, where oil extraction led to the destruction of fisheries, agricultural land, and livelihoods. The text also notes that the region has previously suffered from coastal erosion and displacement caused by port construction since the 1960s, and warns that the Togolese government may still be seeking a new partner to exploit the oil deposits.