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The report examines the role of the private sector in advancing regional integration in Southern Africa, arguing that active private sector involvement often leads to more successful outcomes than state-led efforts alone. Through case studies on non-tariff barriers, payment systems, the sugar industry, and telecommunications, it demonstrates that large companies and industry associations can drive policy harmonisation and infrastructure development, sometimes independently of the region's largest economy, South Africa.

The report examines the challenges and mechanisms for attracting private capital to climate finance, noting that private funding is nearly three times larger than public funding but remains difficult to channel toward adaptation in developing countries. It identifies political, project-related, and financing barriers—particularly in Africa—and suggests a combination of policy reforms and financial instruments like loan guarantees and pledge funds to mitigate risk. The Green Climate Fund (GCF) is highlighted as a central vehicle for achieving the $100 billion annual target by 2020, though it must address the funding gap between mitigation and adaptation.

The document critiques the use of neopatrimonialism to explain African states and proposes the Strategic Relational Approach (SRA) as a more nuanced lens. Applying this to Mauritius, the author describes a 'deliberative democratic developmental state' where trade policy is an outcome of interaction between government, the private sector, and civil society. This collaborative framework, managed by the Trade Policy Unit and the Joint Public Private Sector Committee on International Trade Issues, allows Mauritius to align domestic interests with its positions at the World Trade Organization (WTO). The paper concludes with lessons for other African states on balancing domestic constituencies and including disadvantaged groups in policymaking.

The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

The document outlines a ten-step framework for negotiating agricultural investment contracts to ensure sustainable development, emphasizing the need for independent feasibility studies, environmental and social impact assessments, and the protection of local land and water tenure rights. It warns against broad stabilization provisions and advocates for legally binding development obligations and community development agreements to prevent the negative impacts often associated with large-scale foreign land acquisitions.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

The document examines the role of fiscal incentives in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), arguing that tax exemptions cannot compensate for a weak investment climate. It critiques the use of blanket tax holidays, which can lead to tax avoidance and minimal domestic economic embedding. Instead, the author proposes a framework of 'timely, targeted and temporary' incentives, advocating for performance-based measures such as tax credits, accelerated depreciation, and green bonds. The paper suggests that governments should gradually move toward a uniform low corporate tax rate to create a level playing field for domestic and foreign investors while ensuring that incentives are administered through transparent tax codes rather than discretionary sector ministries.

The document argues that South Africa's status as an economic gateway is primarily driven by its geography and infrastructure, though this role is challenged by emerging regional and global competitors. It assesses South Africa's capacity as a hub for regional headquarters, logistics, sourcing, and finance, while examining the impact of transport corridors and trade policies on its regional dominance.

The document outlines systemic inefficiencies at SADC borders, including endemic corruption, inadequate infrastructure, and bureaucratic hurdles that delay logistics. It highlights specific failures in electronic customs systems, such as at the Beitbridge Border, and contrasts the restrictive work permit environment in Botswana with the more efficient systems in Mozambique and Mauritius.

The document details the business environment in the Democratic Republic of the Congo through the experience of ALASKA, a company importing goods from South Africa and Mauritius. It highlights systemic failures in the DRC's administration, including a cumbersome investment code requiring travel to Kinshasa for registration, high levels of corruption among agencies like the DGDA and OCC, and a fragmented tax system. Infrastructure deficits, specifically poor roads and lack of electricity, increase transport costs and limit the import of frozen products. Additionally, the company faces financial hurdles due to a lack of trust in Congolese banks, high interest rates (up to 36% per annum for micro-finance), and a lack of harmonization in regional SADC traffic laws regarding truck weight loads.

Aluminium Africa Limited (ALAF), a leading aluminium and steel company in Tanzania, faces significant operational barriers in the SADC region, primarily driven by inadequate energy and transport infrastructure, inefficient border controls, and regulatory uncertainty. These challenges increase business costs and reduce product competitiveness. To mitigate these issues, ALAF has invested in internal backup power and lobbied the Tanzanian government, though the company notes a lack of tangible government action and minimal engagement with the SADC Secretariat.

The July 2012 issue of Investment Treaty News Quarterly explores the tension between investor protections and the regulatory autonomy of states. Key discussions include the use of deferential standards of review to enhance the legitimacy of investor-state arbitration and the risks associated with unilateral offers to arbitrate in national investment codes. The document also analyzes how international investment agreements can clash with the provision of public services and the increasing trend of investors challenging renewable energy feed-in tariffs (FiTs) and domestic content requirements. Additionally, it reviews the European Commission's draft text for investor-state dispute settlement in EU agreements and provides summaries of recent arbitral awards involving countries such as Slovakia, Cuba, Paraguay, Ecuador, and Turkey.

The document examines the struggle of Chinese Economic and Trade Co-operation Zones (ETCZs) in Africa to become operational, identifying failures in implementation, infrastructure, and regulatory frameworks. While eight zones were approved across several African nations, only the zone in Egypt is fully operational. The author argues that these zones are hindered by a top-down Chinese approach, cultural barriers, and a lack of integrated industrial policies in host countries, contrasting their struggle with the relative success of private Chinese industrial zones.

Australia and New Zealand are increasing their diplomatic and economic engagement with the African Union and African nations. Australia is leveraging its experience in mining, agriculture, and forestry, while New Zealand focuses on agriculture and peace operations. Both nations are seeking support from African states for non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council, with Australia campaigning for the 2013-14 term and New Zealand for the 2015-16 term.

South Africa has long served as a primary entry point for international companies into Africa due to its sophisticated economy, financial hubs, and infrastructure. However, the document argues that its status is being challenged by the rise of regional gateways, increasing competition from other African ports and airlines, and internal issues including labour unrest, high port costs, and power price hikes.

The authors examine the transition from traditional public administration to New Public Management (NPM) in South Africa. They argue that the post-apartheid state's desire to distance itself from the 'bureaucratic' nature of the apartheid regime led to the creation of autonomous agencies like CIPRO, which suffered from a confused identity as both a government regulator and a business entity. This structural flaw, combined with a neglect of core administrative processes, resulted in severe operational failures, including high staff turnover, corruption, and the hijacking of companies.

The document details a 2011 conference on India-Africa relations, highlighting the shift toward South-South co-operation and the potential for shared economic growth. It examines the role of the private sector, specifically the success of Indian firms in South Africa compared to Chinese firms, and discusses strategic cooperation in energy, pharmaceuticals, and security. The report also addresses global governance reforms, including the push for permanent seats on the UN Security Council for India and African nations, and the economic nature of climate change negotiations.

The report identifies the top ten business constraints in the SADC region to facilitate policy dialogue and practical solutions. By reviewing World Bank data, World Economic Forum reports, and various Business Climate Surveys, the authors found that SADC countries generally perform poorly in ease of doing business, with Mauritius ranking 23rd and the Democratic Republic of Congo ranking 178th in 2012. The final list of top constraints includes issues such as access to finance, tax administration, lack of skilled labour, policy uncertainty, and infrastructure deficits.

The SADC FTA, launched in 2008 based on a 2000 Trade Protocol, aimed for virtually all intra-regional trade to be duty-free by 2012. While compliance with tariff phase-downs has been generally high, the document notes that only 11 of the 14 member states are fully participating, with the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola not implementing the protocol due to economic recovery needs. Challenges persist regarding the restrictive nature of revised rules of origin, the lack of a verification process for non-tariff barrier exceptions, and significant delays in customs clearance compared to trade with non-SADC markets.

The document analyzes the impasse of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and proposes a strategic negotiating stance for South Africa. It argues that South Africa should leverage concessions in the services sector to secure greater market access for agriculture and protect its industrial policy space through the NAMA carve-out, particularly considering its obligations within the Southern African Customs Union (SACU).