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The research paper examines how organised crime networks, particularly those from the former Eastern Bloc, operate with impunity in African conflict zones by using front companies, tax havens, and corrupt political links. It details the activities of Leonid Minin and Victor Bout, who are alleged to have trafficked weapons and minerals in countries like Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the DRC. The author argues that law enforcement is hampered by weak national legislation, poor international coordination, and the lack of criminal sanctions for sanctions-busting, though it suggests that post-9/11 anti-terrorism frameworks may offer new opportunities for disrupting these networks.

The paper argues that foreign direct investment in Africa is often driven by natural resources rather than good governance or low corruption. While countries with poor governance rankings often attract significant FDI, the author contends that sound governance is necessary for long-term resource management and sustainable economic growth.

The report identifies a disconnect between government priorities and the needs of the business sector in Africa, highlighting corruption and infrastructure failure as primary barriers to growth. Based on dialogues with 56 business organisations and five studies, it asserts that stability in Africa is dependent on prosperity, which requires improvements in property rights, the rule of law, and power reliability.

The author contends that Africa requires a leadership group of its strongest nations—similar to the G8—to drive economic growth, enforce good governance, and attract investment. The text highlights that while the continent grew at 3.5% from 1995 to 2002, a growth rate of at least 8% is necessary for sustainable development and poverty alleviation. The author emphasizes the need for a 'virtual global African economic community' involving both the continent and its diaspora to create a $1 trillion market, urging the leading nations to move beyond the ineffective principle of non-interference and instead lead through the African Union and Nepad.

The paper examines the rapid growth of China-Africa relations, noting that while Chinese investment and debt forgiveness are welcomed, the relationship is often asymmetrical. It suggests that African leaders should adopt a pragmatic approach—inspired by Deng Xiaoping's reforms—to negotiate better terms, including technology transfer, local labour requirements, and preferential trade agreements. The author advocates for using the China-Africa Co-operation Forum to establish a formal code of conduct and a civil society forum to hold Beijing accountable for its commitments regarding human rights, arms trafficking, and fair trade.

The research paper warns that Côte d'Ivoire remains in a state of 'permanent crisis' characterized by a military stalemate between President Laurent Gbagbo's government and the Forces Nouvelles (FN) rebels. Despite peace agreements and the mediation of South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, the author argues that mutual mistrust, the use of ethnic militias, and breaches of UN arms embargos create a dangerous environment. The text highlights the role of 'Ivorianness' laws and xenophobia in polarising the population along north-south lines, drawing parallels to the build-up of the Rwandan genocide, particularly regarding the targeting of civilians and the use of ethnic propaganda.

The document analyzes the transition of Liberia from post-conflict security to a fragile peace, focusing on the collaboration between the Government of Liberia (GoL) and the United Nations (UNMIL and UNCT). It details a 'dual-track' approach to peacebuilding: infusing conflict-sensitive concerns into existing policy frameworks like the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) and the United Nations Development Assistance Framework (UNDAF), while simultaneously developing targeted programming via the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF). The author argues that effective peacebuilding requires building consensus on 'conflict factors'—such as poor leadership, weak justice systems, and mismanagement of natural resources—and integrating these into national planning. The paper concludes that coherence in peacebuilding is a matter of degree rather than an end state, recommending that the UN include independent conflict specialists in mission planning and link mission drawdown benchmarks to government institutional capacity rather than just security indicators.

China is evolving from a 'studied passivity' in the UN Security Council to a more assertive role, driven by the need to protect its economic interests and enhance its global reputation. This shift is most evident in Africa, where Beijing has moved from opposing international intervention to supporting UN peacekeeping operations and Chapter VII resolutions in Sudan and Somalia. While China maintains a formal commitment to national sovereignty, it increasingly adopts a case-by-case approach to intervention to secure energy assets and maintain its image as a 'responsible stakeholder'.

The document presents peace journalism as an ethical framework for reporting that seeks to create opportunities for non-violent responses to conflict by avoiding sensationalism and zero-sum framing. It details the 'Ten Commandments' for peace journalism, the importance of gender perspectives in conflict reporting, and provides a case study of the 'Naya Nepal' radio programmes in Nepal. The text also addresses criticisms regarding journalistic objectivity and suggests structural strategies for reforming the media field to better support peace-building.

The briefing explains the transition from a Cold War-era division of Africa among three U.S. regional commands to the creation of AFRICOM. It asserts that the new command is a response to post-9/11 security realities where instability in undeveloped countries can pose global threats. The author emphasizes that AFRICOM is a staff headquarters, not a troop headquarters, and will not establish permanent military bases. Its primary goal is to support African leadership and the African Union through a 'Civil/Military Activities Directorate' that integrates Department of Defense efforts with State Department and USAID goals to prevent crises through security sector reform and capacity building.

Zimbabwe is experiencing severe economic collapse and political unrest, characterized by inflation exceeding 1,700 per cent and unemployment over 80 per cent. While internal fractures within the ruling ZANU-PF party and protests from public-sector workers suggest a potential shift in power, the document argues that simply removing President Robert Mugabe would be insufficient. A stable transition would require a caretaker government, a constitutional review, and the reinvention of democratic institutions like the Electoral Commission to separate the ruling party from state apparatus. The author suggests that the African Union and other international actors may need to broker a transition, noting that Mugabe's fear of prosecution by the International Criminal Court may hinder his willingness to step down.

The document examines the rapid expansion of private security in Africa, distinguishing between private security companies (PSCs) and private military companies (PMCs). It identifies drivers of this growth, including the end of the Cold War, globalization, and state fragility, while highlighting the risks to human rights and state sovereignty. The author argues that the current lack of regulation makes the sector a potential threat, particularly in fragile states, and calls for comprehensive research to inform new regulatory frameworks.

The report examines the shift from traditional state-centric security to 'human security,' noting that modern conflicts are increasingly linked to poverty and occur within poor states. It argues that while trade and aid can theoretically promote stability, in practice, unfair trade rules and misused aid often exacerbate instability. The author proposes six objectives for the international community and the Commonwealth to ensure these policies 'do no harm' and support enduring peace.

The seminar, titled "Understanding Terrorism in Africa: Building Bridges and Overcoming Gaps," was held on 19-20 May 2007 at the University of Cairo. It aimed to address discrepancies in the definitions, roots, and strategies for combating terrorism, while analyzing the impacts of the "War on Terrorism" across different African regions. The event focused on creating an "African Voice" in global terrorism debates and strengthening the African Research Network on Terrorism and Counter Terrorism (ARNTACT). Future follow-up seminars were planned for Abuja, Nigeria, to focus on domestic terrorism and Nairobi, Kenya, to assess counter-terrorism strategies.

The report examines the drive to increase the proportion of women in the Norwegian armed forces from 7% to 15% by the end of 2008. It identifies two primary motivations: a symbolic political goal to reflect Norwegian society's gender equality and a military goal to acquire diverse qualifications for new security challenges. The author highlights structural barriers, such as gender-biased equipment (specifically safety vests) and a highly masculine organizational culture, and recommends improvements in family policy, leadership training, and equipment design. Internationally, the report notes the slow implementation of UNSCR 1325, with women making up only about 1.8% of military personnel in UN peacekeeping missions as of early 2007, and argues that Norway's efforts are critical for supplying female military leaders to the UN system.

The report analyzes power-sharing as a tool to mitigate civil conflict by guaranteeing political roles to potential 'spoilers'. It argues that while power-sharing can promote peace when parties are evenly matched and conflict costs are high, it may increase conflict risks when groups are unevenly matched. The authors highlight significant trade-offs, noting that power-sharing prioritizes 'ex post fairness' over democratic 'ex ante uncertainty' and can lead to high transaction costs and agency losses, such as the selection of intransigent, group-based politicians.

The document outlines the strategic cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Africa, focusing on the EU Strategy for Africa and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). It emphasizes the need for increased aid effectiveness, infrastructural development via the EU-Africa Infrastructure Partnership, and the creation of a Joint EU-Africa Strategy. Key priorities include poverty reduction, governance, peace and security, and energy cooperation, while highlighting the importance of African ownership of development strategies.

The report evaluates the EU's approach to combating the illicit trade of small arms and light weapons (SALW) and managing explosive remnants of war (ERW). It argues that while the EU has established a Small Arms Strategy and various funding instruments, there is a need for greater policy coherence, a formal extension of mine action assistance to include ERW, and a more comprehensive approach that links security and development. The document specifically examines the situation in North Africa, highlighting gaps in border management and the need for technical assistance in stockpile management and mine clearance.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The document argues that current global trade rules are inequitable and often lock developing countries into a dependence on volatile primary commodities, which increases the risk of civil war. It highlights how rich-country agricultural subsidies and market access restrictions undermine economic diversification in the South. Regarding aid, the text warns that development assistance can inadvertently build the capacity of oppressive regimes or be diverted by the strategic interests of donor nations. The series also examines the 'resource curse,' where natural resource wealth leads to corruption and instability, and proposes a combination of mandatory legal regulations, transparency initiatives like the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), and conflict-sensitive business practices to break the link between resource extraction and violence.