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The document examines the negotiations surrounding the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA) ahead of COP-19, highlighting the tension between parties seeking minimal guidance and those calling for centralized oversight. It argues that for carbon markets to support a new climate deal, they must be predicated on ambitious mitigation targets, strict environmental integrity, and the prevention of double counting. The author specifically warns that a proposed FVA pilot phase, advocated by Poland, could set a dangerous precedent by allowing early action units to be recognized in a post-2020 regime before fundamental accounting rules are established.

Carbon Market Watch opposes a pilot phase for the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA), arguing that the lack of established rules on environmental integrity and accounting makes such a phase premature. The organization warns that recognizing "early action" from a pilot could undermine future post-2020 climate regime negotiations and set a dangerous precedent for low-quality market units. It suggests that the FVA process should instead be used to define rigorous standards for real, permanent, and additional mitigation and to resolve double-counting issues, particularly those seen in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM).

The document outlines the mechanics of consensus-building within the UNFCCC, emphasizing the human element of negotiations. It provides guidance for negotiators on knowing their national 'red lines', mastering technical substance, and building trust through transparency. It also highlights the challenges faced by new negotiators, such as complex schedules and technical jargon, and suggests capacity-building measures like mentoring and the use of external policy briefs to facilitate smoother international cooperation.

The report provides a comprehensive overview of nanotechnology's expansion across Asia-Pacific, detailing national initiatives in countries such as India, China, Japan, and Australia. It highlights a critical gap between rapid commercialization and the lack of specific regulatory frameworks to manage health and environmental risks. The document details potential hazards, including the asbestos-like pathogenicity of carbon nanotubes and the ecotoxicity of silver and zinc oxide nanoparticles. It further analyzes the potential for nanotechnology to displace employment through product multifunctionality and increased durability. Finally, it discusses the role of the Strategic Approach for International Chemical Management (SAICM) in establishing global guidance for the sound management of manufactured nanomaterials.

The document examines the AAU market from 2008 to 2012, focusing on how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries used Green Investment Schemes (GIS) to transform 'hot air'—surplus emission rights resulting from economic downturns—into funding for climate mitigation. It analyzes the strategies of seller countries like Estonia and the Czech Republic, which were successful due to transparent monitoring, and buyer countries like Japan and Spain, which used these deals for technology exports. The report highlights a significant price drop in AAUs by 2012 and discusses the potential for GIS to inform future fund-based mechanisms like NAMAs in developing countries.

The report details how Japanese trading companies import timber from Sarawak, Malaysia, where illegal logging and corruption are widespread. It highlights specific cases involving companies like Samling and Rimbunan-Sons, noting that only 5% of Sarawak's primary forest remains. The document criticizes the Japanese government's limited measures compared to the US, EU, and Australia, and urges Japan to mandate supply chain due diligence and ban illegal timber imports to protect global biodiversity and climate stability.

The report outlines a framework for an Agricultural Water Security Market (AWSM) in southwestern Manitoba, designed to mitigate the impact of the expanding oil and gas sector on regional water security. The proposed market would enable companies to achieve 'water neutrality' by purchasing offsets that fund the creation of water retention sites, which in turn support groundwater recharge and provide co-benefits like flood mitigation and nutrient retention. The document analyzes 11 national and international water trading models to inform the AWSM's design, which is intended to start as a voluntary system based on corporate social responsibility before potentially transitioning to a regulated market. It estimates a potential water storage supply of 6,287 cubic decametres against an annual oil and gas demand of 400 to 600 cubic decametres. The report identifies key potential actors, including the Oil Producing Municipalities of Manitoba and Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship, and examines the provincial and federal legislative frameworks that could support the market's operation.

The report challenges the claims that small modular reactors (SMRs) are inherently safer and more cost-effective than large-scale nuclear plants. It argues that SMRs suffer from negative economies of scale and that vendors are pressuring the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) to weaken safety, security, and emergency planning standards to make the technology financially viable. The author warns that reducing security staffing or shrinking emergency planning zones could increase public risk, especially in the wake of the Fukushima Daiichi accident.

The document examines various energy storage technologies, ranging from established systems like pumped hydro and compressed air energy storage (CAES) to emerging solutions like flow batteries and flywheels. It highlights the critical role of U.S. federal initiatives, specifically Department of Energy (DOE) grants and Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) orders, in reducing financial risks and reforming market access to encourage utility-scale implementation. The brief also details specific U.S. projects and proposed legislation, such as the STORAGE Act, aimed at incentivizing storage to support grid stability and the integration of variable renewable energy.

The document examines various energy storage technologies, from established methods like pumped hydro to emerging battery and flywheel systems, highlighting their role in integrating renewable energy and stabilizing the grid. It details the impact of FERC Orders 1000 and 755 and DOE initiatives, such as the Joint Center for Energy Storage Research (JCESR), in reducing technical and economic hurdles. Additionally, it profiles several large-scale U.S. projects and discusses proposed legislation, including the STORAGE Act, aimed at incentivizing storage deployment through tax credits.

Brazil provides technical assistance to Africa primarily through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), focusing on South-South solidarity and the transfer of domestic expertise in agriculture, health, and social policy. While Brazil has established flagship projects like ProSavana in Mozambique and 'Cotton-4' in West Africa, the rapid expansion of these commitments has led to institutional overstretch, a lack of monitoring mechanisms, and a need for greater transparency and civil society involvement.

The author argues that planning new market mechanisms like the NMM and FVA for COP-19 is 'careless' due to an 'astronomic over-supply' of existing offset credits from the CDM and JI. While regional compliance schemes are emerging in Japan, California, and China, there is a lack of common understanding regarding the scope and environmental integrity of the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA) and the definition of non-market based approaches (NMBA).

The document warns that TTIP may prioritize trade interests over public health by promoting regulatory harmonization and mutual recognition that could lower chemical safety standards in the U.S. and EU. It specifically contrasts the EU's hazard-based REACH regulation with the U.S.'s risk-based TSCA approach, arguing that mutual recognition would effectively erase protections for chemicals restricted in only one jurisdiction. The author also cautions against investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, which could allow corporations to sue governments over public interest laws, and warns that TTIP could preempt protective sub-federal or sub-regional laws. Finally, the statement suggests that a low-standard TTIP could chill the development of stringent chemical regulations in other regions, such as the BRIICS countries.

The author contends that the TTIP agreement will harm countries in the Global South, specifically citing risks to Mexico's clothing industry and citrus exports from South Africa, Egypt, and Morocco. The text argues that the primary goal of TTIP is for the EU and USA to establish global standards and maintain economic dominance, potentially forcing other nations to accept unfavorable terms or splitting the world into competing trade blocs. This process is viewed as a move away from the transparent, multilateral trade order established after World War II.

The author contends that the TTIP will harm the Global South through the diversion of trade flows and the imposition of EU-US standards on other nations. Mexico is highlighted as particularly vulnerable, specifically in its garment industry. The text suggests the agreement is a strategic attempt by the US and EU to bolster their diminishing economic influence and sideline the BRICS nations, potentially undermining the multilateral trading system in favor of a non-transparent, power-driven trade regime.

The document critiques a May 6, 2013, WTO Appellate Body ruling regarding a dispute between Japan, the European Union, and Canada (Ontario) over renewable energy measures. The author contends that the ruling failed to provide necessary legal clarification on WTO rules for sustainable energy and may have created a problematic carve-out in the subsidy agreement. Consequently, the text argues that the responsibility for defining the boundaries of appropriate state incentives for renewable energy lies with WTO members rather than the Appellate Body.

The document argues that strong national climate legislation acts as an enabler for more ambitious international agreements by increasing competitiveness, confidence, and knowledge. It highlights that domestic laws can provide the 'legal force' required for future UNFCCC outcomes and recommends strengthening the role of legislators through capacity building and better engagement with executive negotiators.

The document is a participant list for the 21st Conference of the Parts, held June 12-13, 2013, in Montevideo, Uruguay. It details representatives from various countries, including Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and the USA, as well as observers and staff from the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) and the Ministry of Housing, Territorial Planning and Environment (MVOTMA/DINAMA).

The document examines South Africa's intention to build a fleet of six new nuclear power stations to add 9,600 MW of capacity by 2020. It highlights the drivers of this expansion—including population growth, ageing infrastructure, and climate targets—while raising significant concerns regarding the financial stability of Eskom, the opacity of the tender process, and the rise of resource nationalism concerning uranium. The paper also details South Africa's nuclear diplomacy within Africa and its relations with global nuclear powers like Russia and France.

The document critiques the International Civil Aviation Organization's (ICAO) progress toward a market-based measure (MBM) for international aviation emissions. It argues that the industry's preference for 100% offsetting fails to incentivize actual emission reductions within the sector and warns that low-quality offsets could exacerbate climate impacts. The author advocates for a cap-and-trade scheme with a stringent cap and strict quality restrictions on eligible offset credits to ensure environmental integrity.