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The document outlines five specific actions to decarbonize regional industry: methane containment, transitioning to clean industrial processes, implementing shared industrial flows (such as eco-industrial parks), decarbonizing ports and airports, and transitioning to clean industrial vehicles. It provides a framework for regional authorities to eliminate waste, electrify processes, and implement regulatory penalties for emissions, supported by references to policies from jurisdictions such as California, Brazil, and Hong Kong.

The document examines five types of illegality—resource rights, labor rights, other laws, fraud, and corruption—across several global commodity chains. It provides case studies on beef, palm oil, pulp and paper, cocoa, shrimp, olive oil, dairy, and soy, highlighting how illegal practices drive deforestation, biodiversity loss, and labor abuse. The paper argues that illegality is an underappreciated threat that increases with global food demand and climate change, calling for precompetitive cooperation between governments and companies to ensure supply chain transparency.

The author examines the tension between maintaining the US-led 'nuclear sharing' system and pursuing European strategic autonomy. While some propose a Franco-German nuclear cooperation to replace the US umbrella, the author warns against European militarism and instead advocates for a diplomatic strategy of preventive denuclearization, drawing on the Rapacki Plan to reduce nuclear stockpiles in Europe and move toward a world without nuclear weapons.

The author argues that terrorism in Europe is primarily 'home grown' and driven by individuals who feel 'uprooted'. The text criticizes the 'war on terror' approach, stating that disproportionate repression breeds further terrorism and threatens democratic freedoms. It suggests that while intelligence and security measures are necessary to foil immediate plots, the long-term solution lies in mending the 'social fabric' and addressing global instabilities and Western geopolitical abuses that fuel extremist narratives.

The authors examine the struggle of Social Democratic, Green, and far-left parties in the EU, noting their failure to translate voter concerns about climate change and unemployment into electoral success. They argue that the material prosperity brought by globalisation has complicated traditional left-wing appeals, while a sense of 'declinism' has benefited right-wing populists. The document suggests that progressives should avoid narratives of societal decline and instead offer a hopeful vision of the future to regain political influence.

The document advocates for the European Union to lead the 'Mission 2020' initiative, which aims to bend the global emissions curve by 2020 to stay within the 2-degree Celsius limit of the Paris Agreement. It argues that the EU can use its existing institutional frameworks, specifically regional cohesion and structural funds, to support a just transition toward low-carbon economies. The text emphasizes a shift from centralized energy production to decentralized, community-based renewable energy systems to empower local actors and counteract populist movements. It cites historical industrial transitions in regions like the Ruhr Area as evidence that such structural changes can be managed. Additionally, it highlights the role of bottom-up movements, such as the Transition Town Movement and the fossil fuel divestment movement, in driving decarbonization.

The report analyzes 23 green bonds totaling USD 15.1bn issued in Q4 2017. It finds that USD green bonds generally achieve higher oversubscription and tighter pricing relative to initial price thoughts than vanilla bonds, while EUR green bonds perform similarly. Approximately 44% of allocations went to green investors. The 'greenium' (pricing inside the yield curve) was observed in only half of a limited sample of six bonds, indicating that a new issue premium is not always avoided. In the secondary market, over half of EUR green bonds outperformed their indices after 28 days, whereas USD green bonds lagged.

The author argues that opposition to immigration is a pervasive popular movement across Europe, regardless of a country's ethnic homogeneity or immigration policy. This trend is contributing to political polarization and a potential 'de-democratization' process, particularly as it aligns with skepticism toward supranational solutions like the EU. The text highlights a divide between 'new' and 'old' Europe, noting that some Eastern European countries lack the same norms of tolerance as Western Europe, which influences their resistance to EU refugee quotas.

The briefing examines the application of penalties under the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR), concluding that current enforcement practices often fail to meet the EU legal standard of being 'effective, proportionate and dissuasive'. It highlights a prevalence of 'soft' enforcement approaches and a lack of transparency regarding sanctions, which creates an uneven playing field for companies. The document recommends the adoption of credible enforcement policies, increased public access to enforcement data, and the development of harmonised guidance on determining penalty levels.

The document analyzes the difficulties in establishing the Global Compact for Migration (GCM) compared to the Global Compact on Refugees, citing domestic political pressures, populism, and a lack of UN leadership. It highlights the unequal nature of migration negotiations between the African Union and the European Union, where the EU prioritizes border control while African nations focus on development. The author critiques the GCM's zero draft as a non-binding 'wish list' that lacks accountability mechanisms, though it notes the potential of its proposed capacity-building mechanism to support African regional migration goals.

The author examines how the rise of populism in Western politics, exemplified by the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and political shifts in the UK and Germany, creates risks for climate action. While some nations and entities have responded by strengthening their commitments, the author contends that overcoming political polarisation requires shifting climate communication from expert-led discourse to a values-based approach that builds broad societal consensus.

In 2017, renewables generated 30% of Europe's electricity for the first time, with wind, solar, and biomass overtaking coal generation. However, overall EU greenhouse gas emissions rose by approximately 1% due to increasing electricity consumption and a significant drop in hydro generation, which was the lowest this century. While Western European nations like the Netherlands, Italy, and Portugal announced coal phase-outs, Eastern European countries continued to rely on coal. The report also highlights the impact of the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) reforms and the ongoing negotiations of the Clean Energy for All Europeans package.

The brief finds that while 66% of EU cities have climate plans, there is significant disparity based on city size and national legislation. National mandates in countries like Denmark and the UK significantly increase the likelihood of cities having plans, while many cities in Spain and Italy rely on international networks like the Covenant of Mayors due to a lack of national guidance.

This executive summary from the 2018 'Brown to Green' report analyzes the progress of G20 countries toward a low-carbon economy. It highlights a significant gap between current Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and the goals of the Paris Agreement, noting that G20 energy-related CO2 emissions began increasing again in 2017 and that 82% of the G20 energy supply remains dependent on fossil fuels.

Greenpeace Africa argues that the draft IRP 2018 Update is inadequate for achieving a just transition to renewable energy and fails to meet South Africa's international climate commitments. The submission calls for the total removal of new coal and nuclear capacity, the elimination of artificial caps on wind and solar energy, and an accelerated decommissioning of coal-fired power stations. It highlights severe air pollution in Mpumalanga and the critical need to prioritize water security in energy planning. The document emphasizes that the plan must be based on the latest IPCC science to limit global warming to 1.5°C and should incorporate transparent data on costs and demand-side management.

Ethiopia is piloting the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) to move away from a camp-based refugee model toward socio-economic integration. While the reform promises expanded access to work permits, education, and civil documentation, it faces significant hurdles including low industrial wages, coordination gaps between government agencies, and ethnic tensions in regions like Gambella. The document recommends a conflict-sensitive approach, a national minimum wage, and increased start-up capital for refugee entrepreneurs to ensure sustainable self-reliance.

The document examines the Eastern Mediterranean's transition from a strategic space used by great powers to a distinct geopolitical region. It analyzes the shift toward multipolarity and the emergence of 'proto-regionalism' through trilateral partnerships involving Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. While identifying potential for an Eastern Mediterranean Cooperation Council (EMCC) based on the Gulf Cooperation Council model, the author highlights significant obstacles, including the role of Turkey, the Cyprus conflict, and energy disputes.

The report argues that redirecting surplus food—edible food that is not 'true waste'—can alleviate hunger for 13 million South Africans while providing cost savings and tax benefits to food firms. It highlights that 95% of food waste in South Africa occurs before the consumption stage, with agricultural production (26%), processing/packaging (25%), post-harvest handling (24%), and distribution/retail (20%) being the primary sources. The document details the environmental impact, noting that Food Forward's donation of 4,400 tonnes of food in 2017/8 avoided 17,400 tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions. It identifies barriers such as liability concerns and date labelling, while proposing solutions like 'Good Samaritan' legislation and the use of technology platforms like FoodShare to coordinate logistics.

ClientEarth's submission argues that the revision of the EU Fisheries Control System must prioritize the implementation and enforcement of existing rules over the creation of new ones. The organization opposes the 'regionalisation' of control measures, fearing it would weaken standards and create a 'race to the bottom'. Key recommendations include removing VMS and logbook exemptions for vessels between 12 and 15 metres, introducing electronic reporting and geo-tracking for small-scale fisheries (below 12 metres), and establishing stricter rules for the certification of engine power and gross tonnage. ClientEarth also advocates for the inclusion of recreational fisheries under licensing and reporting obligations for stocks subject to recovery plans or multiannual plans. Finally, it calls for a more transparent reporting system, an expanded role for the European Fisheries Control Agency (EFCA), and a more rigorous application of the penalty point system for serious infringements.

The briefing contends that the EU ETS phase 4 (2021-2030) fails to drive sufficient decarbonisation due to low carbon prices and excessive free allowances. It recommends that Member States implement national carbon floor prices, unilaterally cancel allowances following coal plant closures to avoid the 'waterbed effect', and redirect auctioning revenues toward a just transition. For the industrial sector, it advocates replacing free allocations with a carbon border tax and increasing the Linear Reduction Factor (LRF) to align with a 2040 or 2050 decarbonisation timeline.