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The report identifies a trend of 'carbon leakage' where EU countries import electricity from non-EU 'offshore carbon havens'—specifically Turkey, Ukraine, Morocco, and the Western Balkans—that lack carbon pricing. Net imports into EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) countries rose from 3TWh in 2017 to 21TWh in 2019, with imported electricity emitting an estimated 26 million tonnes of CO2 in 2019. The document warns that up to 57GW of new coal power could be developed in connected or soon-to-be connected non-EU countries, potentially undermining EU emissions cuts. To address this, the authors propose a border carbon adjustment (BCA) for electricity imports to level the playing field for generators, protect low-carbon investments, and incentivise neighbouring states to adopt their own carbon pricing mechanisms.

The author argues that Russia has shifted from viewing the EU as a model for modernisation to seeing it as a strategic challenger to its neo-imperialist vision. To counter Western influence and the 'eastward march' of Europe, the Kremlin employs a strategy of 'managing instability' through disinformation, cyberattacks, and the support of far-right political parties in Europe. While Russia seeks bilateral rapprochement with key powers like Germany and France to bypass sanctions and isolate Eastern European 'Russosceptic' countries, the author contends that Moscow's strategic goals remain unfulfilled and that it will continue to exploit Western electoral cycles to foment populism.

The briefing examines the lack of legal recognition for 'climate refugees' in international law and the EU's asylum system, highlighting how current frameworks often classify such individuals as voluntary or economic migrants. It advocates for a holistic, human-rights-based approach that integrates climate, development, and migration policies, suggesting the use of humanitarian visas and flexible legal labor channels as potential solutions. The author emphasizes the role of the UN Global Compacts and the potential for the Greens in the European Parliament to push for these reforms despite political divisions and a Commission focus on border security.

The report finds that the EU ETS region is increasingly importing electricity from non-EU neighbors with high carbon intensities, effectively importing emissions and creating 'offshore carbon havens'. In 2019, the EU ETS region imported 26 million tonnes of CO2, with a net import of 20 million tonnes. The authors argue that the disparity in carbon pricing gives a competitive advantage to high-carbon generators in countries like Turkey, Ukraine, and the Western Balkans. To combat this, the report recommends a border carbon adjustment (BCA) on gross electricity imports to protect the integrity of EU climate policy and incentivize decarbonization in neighboring states. It also warns that planned increases in interconnection capacity (31% by 2030) and new coal power projects (up to 57GW) in connected non-EU countries will exacerbate the problem.

The document assesses the progress of transposing the RED II and Electricity Directives in Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Spain as of September 2020. It finds that while most countries have focused on legal definitions, they have largely neglected the 'enabling framework' and the mandatory assessment of barriers and potentials required by EU law. The brief argues that simple 'copy-paste' transposition of EU definitions is insufficient and recommends a holistic approach that includes public consultation, political engagement, and specific support for vulnerable households and local authorities to ensure the success of energy communities.

The document details Carbon Market Watch's efforts to ensure a 'green recovery' following the COVID-19 pandemic, specifically by countering corporate lobbying and pushing for more ambitious EU climate targets. It critiques the lack of progress in global carbon market rules (Article 6) and the perceived irrelevance of the CORSIA aviation scheme. The briefing advocates for expanding the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) to include international shipping and phasing out free pollution permits for heavy industry. It also assesses the inadequacy of national energy and climate plans in several EU member states and warns against the misuse of carbon dioxide removal (CDR) technologies as a substitute for emission cuts.

The document examines the Covid-19 pandemic as a systemic shock that exposed deep inequalities and the fragility of market-driven systems. It explores the intersection of public health and biodiversity loss, the role of the welfare state versus authoritarian and populist models, the digital divide in urban centers, and the disproportionate impact of the crisis on marginalized groups, including migrant workers and the elderly. The text advocates for a 'green recovery' that prioritizes a 'foundational economy' of basic needs over growth, promotes digital inclusion as a human right, and recognizes the link between environmental degradation and zoonotic disease emergence.

The document is a comprehensive collection of essays and interviews exploring the evolution of green politics. It analyzes the tension between 'green growth' and 'degrowth', the rise of Green parties in Europe, and the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics. Key discussions include the critique of the European Green Deal as 'greenwashing', the impact of lignite mining in Germany, and the role of the 'Green New Deal' in the US as a tool for socio-economic transformation.

The document examines the evolution of political ecology, arguing for a shift from growth-based economic models to a 'social-ecological state' that prioritizes wellbeing and justice. It analyzes the electoral successes and challenges of Green parties across Europe—specifically in Germany, Finland, Sweden, Belgium, Ireland, Spain, and Poland—and discusses the 'Green New Deal' in the USA. Key themes include the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics, while critiquing the 'green growth' and 'decoupling' narratives of the European Green Deal.

Indonesia provides significant fossil fuel support, primarily through USD 17.7 billion in price supports for consumers, representing a 56% increase over the 2014–2016 average. While reforms occurred between 2014 and 2017, recent progress is rated as poor, with total government support averaging USD 28 billion from 2017 to 2019. The document highlights a lack of regular reporting and quantification of subsidies, including various tax incentives for upstream oil and gas contractors.

Italy provides an annual average of USD 13.7 billion in total government support to fossil fuels (2017–2019), dominated by USD 11.2 billion for fossil fuel consumption via tax credits and exemptions on diesel and petroleum. While Italy has phased out support for coal production, it increased public finance for fossil fuels by 33% between 2014 and 2018, primarily for oil and gas production. The document also notes a USD 3.3 billion COVID-19 bailout for Alitalia and describes Italy's transparency regarding environmentally harmful subsidies as mediocre.

The G20 Scorecard evaluates OECD and non-OECD members across seven criteria related to fossil fuel funding, including transparency, pledges, and the scale of support for coal, oil, gas, and power generation. It ranks countries such as Germany, France, and Brazil at the top of their respective groups, while others like the United States and Saudi Arabia receive lower scores in multiple categories.

The report finds that QAnon activity on Facebook grew month-on-month from April to September 2020, with engagement nearly doubling between April and August. This growth was driven by 'superspreaders'—personal profiles that mass-proliferate disinformation—and the co-opting of mainstream movements like 'Save the Children' and COVID-19 concerns. The analysis reveals a heavy reliance on 'Red-rated' unreliable news sites, though mainstream sources are often distorted to fit the narrative. Despite Facebook's October 2020 ban on QAnon pages and groups, the report argues the action came too late and was insufficient because personal profiles continued to promote the conspiracy. The research also documents the internationalization of QAnon, with significant activity in Germany, France, Italy, and Brazil, often localized to target regional elites.

The 'science oath for the climate' is a pledge signed by nearly 600 scientists and engineers to act against catastrophic climate disruption. Signatories commit to communicating scientific evidence without compromise, resisting political or economic pragmatism when discussing the 1.5°C and 2°C Paris Agreement targets, and reducing their own carbon emissions. The document includes a comprehensive list of signatories from various global academic and professional institutions.

The report examines the role of the EU's captive tiger population in the global trade of tigers and their derivatives. It identifies significant regulatory loopholes in the keeping and disposal of tigers, particularly in private facilities and circuses, which may be exploited by organised criminal groups to supply Asian markets. While accredited zoos are well-regulated, the report finds inconsistent national laws across the EU, a lack of centralised traceability registers, and weak oversight of deceased specimens. Trade data from 2013–2017 confirms the EU's continued commercial export of captive-bred tigers and parts to countries like Viet Nam and Thailand, which may stimulate demand and increase poaching pressure on wild populations.

The report evaluates fixed, volumetric, and capacity-based distribution network tariffs against the EU's Electricity Regulation. It argues that high fixed charges and non-dynamic contracted capacity charges may hinder the transition to a decentralised energy system by discouraging flexibility and demand response. The author suggests that volumetric time-of-use charges and critical peak capacity charges are most likely to meet the CEP's requirements for cost-reflectivity and the fostering of innovation and flexibility.

The document assesses the legal validity of Uniper's claims of 'de facto expropriation' and violations of 'fair and equitable treatment' resulting from the Dutch coal phase-out law. It concludes that the law is a legitimate exercise of state regulatory powers to meet climate goals and that Uniper had no legitimate expectation of regulatory stability for coal investments.

The document examines how the consumption of Argentine soy in Europe and other regions externalizes environmental and social costs to Argentina, complicating the achievement of SDGs. It highlights significant land-use change, GHG emissions, and mixed social impacts, while recommending bilateral cooperation between Argentina and the EU to mitigate these spillovers.

The document examines the environmental and socioeconomic externalities of Argentine soybean production driven by global demand, particularly from the EU. It highlights that while soybean exports provide macroeconomic stability for Argentina, they cause significant environmental degradation, including deforestation and GHG emissions, and mixed social outcomes. The brief argues that achieving the SDGs requires coordinated international governance and shared responsibility between producing and consuming regions to mitigate these negative spillovers.

The document details the progress of the GCF accreditation process, reporting that 88 entities have been decided for accreditation, with 52 having fully completed the process via effective Accreditation Master Agreements (AMAs). It outlines the pipeline of 112 submitted applications and the support provided to direct access entities, including USD 11.68 million committed through 61 grants. The report specifically recommends the accreditation of seven new applicants (APL090 to APL096) with varying fiduciary and environmental and social (E&S) risk categories, most of whom are subject to specific conditions to close institutional gaps. Additionally, it tracks the status of existing accredited entities in addressing their accreditation conditions and proposes extending the prioritization of entities to the end of the twenty-fifth Board meeting.