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The 2020 assessment finds that supply chain efforts have failed to eliminate deforestation from agricultural commodities, with tree cover loss in 2018 remaining similar to levels before the New York Declaration on Forests. While palm oil and timber sectors show more advanced commitment and traceability tools, the beef and soy sectors in Latin America lag significantly. Most corporate commitments lack comprehensive scope, and full traceability to the point of production remains rare. The report highlights a gap in reporting, with many influential companies failing to disclose progress, and notes that financial institutions have largely failed to set clear policies to remove deforestation from their investments.

G20 governments provided an annual average of $584 billion in support for fossil fuels from 2017 to 2019, with oil and gas production receiving the largest share. While overall support dropped by 9% compared to 2014–2016, this decline was inconsistent across countries and partly driven by lower oil prices. The report finds that state-owned enterprise (SOE) investment is the only support mechanism that increased overall, and that COVID-19 recovery packages have introduced at least $170 billion in new commitments to fossil fuel-intensive sectors, threatening to undo previous progress.

The document highlights a significant misalignment between government energy production plans and Paris Agreement goals, noting that governments planned to extract 60% more oil, 70% more gas, and 280% more coal by 2030 than is consistent with a 1.5°C pathway. It suggests that NDCs and LT-LEDS can be used to communicate pathways, targets, and policy measures to manage the transition away from fossil fuels while ensuring a just transition for affected workers and communities.

The document argues that the post-2020 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) proposal, as amended by the European Parliament and Council, undermines the European Green Deal, the Farm-to-Fork Strategy, and the Biodiversity Strategy. The signatories request the withdrawal of the proposal and the introduction of a new one that supports a transition away from industrial agriculture, noting that €387 billion of taxpayers' money is at risk of funding practices that drive rather than solve the climate and nature crisis.

A coalition of international church-based organisations urges the European Commission to reform its migration and asylum policies, arguing that the current system is 'fundamentally broken'. The statement highlights the failure of the 'hotspot' approach and the 2016 EU-Turkey deal, calling for a shift from 'crisis mode' to a system based on solidarity, human dignity, and the equitable sharing of responsibility among all EU member states. It specifically advocates for safe passage channels and the rejection of policies that externalise border controls.

The paper examines the UK's handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, highlighting a lack of decisive government action, contradictory messaging, and failures in PPE procurement. It notes that while the public was largely compliant, trust was undermined by perceived double standards and the impact of long-term austerity on the NHS. The author argues that the pandemic exacerbated existing social inequalities, particularly for BAME groups, and converged with the political tensions of Brexit and the Black Lives Matter movement.

The research paper examines the responses of far-right parties—specifically the Lega (Italy), AfD (Germany), and Swedish Democrats (Sweden)—to the Covid-19 pandemic. It argues that while these parties initially struggled to find a resonant message due to a 'rally around the flag' effect favoring incumbent governments, they continue to use the crisis to reinforce populist divisions between 'the people' and 'elites' or 'others'. The author suggests that the future of far-right populism will depend on the social and economic consequences of government measures and the perceived legitimacy of expert-led decision-making.

The report argues that the EU Commission should integrate climate and environmental protection objectives into its State aid decision-making process to ensure that national economic recovery programmes are consistent with the European Green Deal and the goal of climate neutrality by 2050.

The report finds that 11 of 18 EU coal-using countries lack Paris-compatible phase-out plans, with seven not planning to exit coal by 2030 and four replacing coal with increased fossil gas. It argues that the Just Transition Fund's current allocation methodology risks funding 'climate laggards,' as nearly two-thirds of the fund would go to countries without 2030 phase-out plans. The authors recommend making fund access conditional on ambitious coal phase-out dates and strictly excluding all fossil fuels, including gas, from the fund's scope.

The report analyzes Brazil's agricultural risk management landscape, highlighting a significant gap in insurance coverage compared to global peers like the US and China. It examines key programs such as the PSR, Proagro, Garantia-Safra, and PGPM, noting high market concentration and a heavy reliance on credit over insurance. The authors argue that inadequate risk management leads to underinvestment and inefficient land use, recommending a shift in public funding from rural credit to insurance subsidies and the expansion of the Agricultural Climate Risk Zoning (ZARC) system.

The report examines Brazil's agricultural risk management landscape, focusing on public policies like PSR, PROAGRO, Garantia-Safra, and PGPM. It highlights a market characterized by high concentration, limited geographic reach, and a heavy reliance on soy insurance. The authors argue that inadequate risk management leads to underinvestment and inefficient land use, suggesting a shift in public funding from rural credit toward insurance and the expansion of market-based price risk instruments.

The report assesses the impact of COVID-19 on South Africa's economy, forecasting significant job losses and wage declines. Using a 10% contraction in final demand as a median scenario, it estimates 1.77 million jobs are at risk, with the most severe impacts falling on low-skilled, informal, and poverty-stricken workers. The analysis highlights that the service sector and agriculture are hardest hit due to their reliance on consumption spending. The authors argue that the government's R500 billion rescue package is insufficient and poorly implemented, recommending a net new expenditure of at least R500 billion, expanded social protection, and targeted support for the informal sector and primary industries.

The report examines the socioeconomic impacts of industrial decline and evaluates the effectiveness of various transition responses. It argues that successful 'just' transitions require early strategic planning, multi-stakeholder governance, and a holistic approach to regional economic development that builds on existing local capabilities rather than seeking a single industrial replacement. Through case studies in the US, UK, Australia, and South Africa, the document highlights the risks of uneven benefit distribution, the importance of reskilling over simple monetary compensation, and the necessity of addressing environmental legacies to enable land reuse.

The briefing argues that contemporary national populists in Europe employ a systematic strategy to capture the state by eroding liberal norms, dominating the information space, and subordinating the judiciary and civil service. By treating the government as a 'contractor' for a national majority, these movements justify the removal of institutional restraints to concentrate power in the executive. The author details a multi-stage assault involving 'trolling', 'building' parallel infrastructures, and 'automating' disinformation to create a facade of democracy while maintaining an effective monopoly on power.

In the first half of 2020, renewable electricity generation in the EU-27 reached 40%, surpassing fossil fuel generation at 34%. This shift was driven by record wind and solar penetration and a 7% drop in electricity demand caused by COVID-19. Coal generation fell by 32%, contributing to a 23% reduction in power sector CO2 emissions. While grids remained stable, the increase in renewables led to more frequent negative wholesale electricity prices, indicating a need for greater system flexibility. Poland emerged as the most coal-dependent EU country, generating as much coal-fired electricity as the other 25 EU members combined.

The authors contend that the EU suffers from diffuse accountability and a 'double deadlock' caused by a reliance on closed-door Franco-German agreements. They argue that Germany's role as a 'benevolent hegemon' is problematic because Berlin seeks to minimize costs and maximize control over debtor states while remaining reluctant to fully embrace its power. The text suggests that the only way to break this impasse is through 'transnational politics'—the creation of shifting alliances across national borders and the engagement of civil society—to replace the current 'constructive ambiguity' of European diplomacy.

The report demonstrates that the S’Ena Arrubia and Corru S’Ittiri-Marceddì-San Giovanni wetlands provide substantial economic value through ecosystem services and the support of local aquaculture, tourism, and agriculture. It finds that a 'continued degradation' scenario would lead to significant losses in labour income and ecosystem service value, while a circular business model for reusing livestock manure could generate net benefits of EUR 81.3 million for S’Ena Arrubia and EUR 124.2 million for Corru S’Ittiri-Marceddì-San Giovanni. The analysis argues that the cost of maintaining these wetlands is far lower than the cost of replacing their functions with built infrastructure.

The document highlights significant gaps in development finance, noting that general environment protection receives only 2% of total disbursements. It examines how the European refugee crisis impacted donor budgets, the difficulty of tracking finance for specific agendas like sustainable oceans, and the lack of data disaggregation by some donors. Additionally, it identifies a notably lower disbursement ratio for climate finance compared to general development aid, suggesting systemic implementation challenges.

The document identifies three primary transmission modes for SARS-CoV-2: direct physical contact, intermediate inanimate objects, and respiratory droplets or aerosols. It highlights that fine particles (<10 µm) can reach pulmonary alveoli, while larger droplets (>100 µm) contribute primarily to contact transmission. Environmental factors such as low temperatures and specific relative humidity levels are noted to increase virus survival, while solar ultraviolet radiation acts as a natural virucide. The report discusses correlations between high levels of atmospheric pollutants, such as NO2 and PM2.5, and increased COVID-19 mortality and incidence in regions including Northern Italy, Spain, China, and the United States, suggesting that pollution may predispose individuals to more severe infections.

The document identifies three primary transmission routes for SARS-CoV-2: direct physical contact, intermediate inanimate objects, and respiratory droplets or aerosols. It highlights that indoor environments significantly increase contagion risk and that climatic factors like low temperature and specific relative humidity levels can enhance virus survival. A substantial portion of the text examines the correlation between air pollution—specifically NO2 and PM2.5—and increased COVID-19 mortality and incidence in regions such as Northern Italy, Spain, China, and the US. It also discusses the potential role of global warming in altering transmission patterns through changes in human behavior and animal migration.