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The report provides a comprehensive overview of how antisemitism manifests across various online ecosystems, from mainstream platforms like X and YouTube to fringe spaces like Telegram and Discord. It details the roles of far-right, Islamist, far-left, and conspiracy-driven actors, highlighting how global crises—such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and the October 7 Hamas attacks—fuel surges in online hate. The document also examines the persistence of Holocaust denial and the emergence of 'ideologically hybridised' antisemitism, where diverse extremist groups coalesce around shared tropes.

The report analyzes the Irish Channel's role in spreading misinformation, specifically regarding election interference and immigration. It details the site's connection to the Irish Freedom Party and its operation as part of the Premier Content Network, a content aggregation system. The analysis also suggests the use of generative AI to produce articles containing factual errors and fabricated citations.

The report identifies four 'pillars' of protest—demands, strategy, composition, and organization—that influence the size of a movement and the likelihood of regime loyalty shifts. It argues that non-violent, broad-based campaigns demanding regime change are most likely to succeed and lead to democratic consolidation. However, it notes a recent decline in the success rate of such movements and a rise in anti-liberal protests. For international democracy promoters, the report recommends investing in civil society infrastructure during stable periods rather than attempting to instigate regime shifts.

The author contends that current climate policies often fail because they do not address carbon inequalities or provide immediate economic relief, making them vulnerable to far-right populist rhetoric. The text proposes a 'post-growth' approach that prioritizes human well-being over profit and advocates for a 'militant' green-red alliance. A central practical solution highlighted is the use of energy communities—not-for-profit entities that allow citizens and municipalities to co-own renewable energy projects—to democratize energy production and reduce costs for vulnerable households. The author calls for the redirection of fossil fuel subsidies toward clean heating and the implementation of structural investments in deep renovations and electric mobility to prevent regressive social effects from policies like the expanded Emissions Trading System.

The paper examines how strategic assessments can be used to streamline the approval of clean growth projects in Canada, particularly in light of the 2023 Supreme Court ruling on the Impact Assessment Act. It suggests that by shifting the regulatory burden from individual project assessments to broader strategic analyses of policies and systemic issues, Canada can accelerate its energy transition. The author recommends implementing clear triggers, a tiered approach to assessment, and robust outcome tracking, drawing on international examples from the EU and US.

The paper examines how strategic assessments—which analyze policies and systemic issues rather than individual projects—can accelerate Canada's net zero transition. It highlights that while the 2019 Impact Assessment Act provides a framework, the tool remains underused and lacks formalization. By adopting global best practices such as tiering, formal triggers, and outcome monitoring, Canada could more efficiently manage cumulative impacts and share regulatory burdens between strategic and project-level assessments.

The report analyzes over 285 million social media posts from June 2022 to July 2023 to identify trends in meat and dairy misinformation. It categorizes misinformation into 'disparage' narratives targeting alternatives and 'enhance' narratives promoting animal products. The study finds that a small number of 'misinfluencers' drive significant engagement, often linking food systems to far-right conspiracy theories like 'The Great Reset'. These narratives are shown to undermine scientific consensus and hinder government efforts to reduce agricultural emissions in countries such as Ireland and the Netherlands.

The report finds that while current national targets collectively aim for a doubling of renewable capacity by 2030, they often underestimate the actual pace of deployment. A global tripling to 11,000 GW is considered achievable if governments update targets to reflect recent growth and maintain a 17% annual increase in additions. The analysis identifies specific countries with high potential to increase ambition, such as Australia, Japan, South Korea, and the UAE, while noting that others like India and Saudi Arabia already have targets that aim for a tripling of their 2022 capacity.

The report examines the GWP* metric, which focuses on changes in methane emissions over time rather than absolute levels. It argues that this methodology allows high-polluting companies and countries to present minor reductions as negative emissions, thereby escaping accountability and undermining the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C goal. Through case studies of Tyson, Fonterra, and New Zealand, the document demonstrates how GWP* can make significant emitters appear climate neutral. It further details lobbying efforts by the animal agriculture industry in the US, UK, Ireland, and New Zealand to adopt this metric.

The report identifies two primary misinformation strategies: 'disparage' (78% of cases), which attacks alternative proteins and climate science, and 'enhance' (22%), which promotes animal products through health-washing and greenwashing. It highlights the role of 'misinfluencers'—where 50 accounts drive 50% of total engagement—and examines how these narratives intersect with far-right ideologies and real-world policy debates in the Netherlands and Ireland.

The report finds that while the EU and UK have made progress in aligning TACs with scientific advice since 2015, they missed the 2020 legal deadline to end overfishing. Analysis of 2023 TACs shows that 25% still exceed scientific advice. The report highlights a systemic lack of ambition for data-limited stocks (precautionary advice) and bycatch stocks compared to target stocks. It also criticises the lack of transparency in the TAC-setting process and the poor implementation of the landing obligation, which risks further overfishing. Key recommendations include setting TACs below scientific advice to account for ecosystem needs and climate change, and improving public access to the decision-making process.

The report identifies 30 companies, termed the "emissions aristocracy," that were responsible for over 50% of total EU ETS emissions in 2022. While the power sector has seen significant emission reductions since 2013 due to the absence of free allowances, heavy industries like steel, cement, and petrochemicals have experienced stagnant progress. The author argues that free allowances create windfall profits and remove the financial incentive to innovate, calling for a transition to full auctioning by 2030 to ensure the polluter pays principle is upheld.

The author contends that the EU's response to the Israel-Palestine crisis and other regional issues is hampered by internal divisions and the lack of a comprehensive Middle East strategy. The text highlights how the unanimity rule allows single member states to block collective action, such as ceasefire calls or opposition to US-led peace plans. It suggests that as US influence in the region wanes, the EU has an opportunity to establish an independent role, potentially through 'green diplomacy', provided it can overcome its internal fragmentation and move toward qualified majority voting.

The report argues that empowering consumers to manage their energy demand and production can shift approximately 900 TWh—about 27% of global residential electricity consumption—away from fossil fuels. It categorizes empowerment solutions into supply-side (e.g., 24/7 PPAs, energy cooperatives, P2P trading), demand-side (e.g., time-of-use tariffs, on-bill schemes), and data-based (e.g., smart meters, granular energy certificates) interventions. The document emphasizes that the path to 24/7 CFE varies by country maturity, dividing nations into 'Potential', 'Progressive', 'Aspirer', and 'Frontier' archetypes, each requiring different policy 'recipes' to overcome barriers such as low smart meter penetration and restrictive electricity market regulations.

The document argues that existing governance structures are insufficient to manage the disruptive trade-offs of the green transition. It proposes 'eco-social contracts'—frameworks for action that integrate social and ecological guarantees—to rebuild trust between citizens and states. The report examines policy tools such as Green Deals, degrowth, and circular economy models, while advocating for deliberative democratic mechanisms like citizens' assemblies and participatory budgeting to create a legitimate mandate for systemic change.

The report critiques the current linear economy and the limitations of the conventional circular economy, proposing instead a 'resource-balanced economy' (RBE) for the SADC region. It argues that the green transition's demand for critical minerals is underestimated and faces thermodynamic and material constraints. To avoid 'financial capture' and poverty traps, the authors advocate for 'anticipatory governance'—a proactive, systems-based approach to policymaking—alongside bioregionalism, re-localisation, and the renegotiation of resource trade agreements to ensure equitable and sustainable development.

The document is divided into two main sections: a report on regulatory developments in Canada, Ireland, the UK, and the US regarding online streaming, safety codes, advertising, and AI; and a snapshot of literature on climate disinformation. The latter highlights the shift from outright climate denial to 'delay discourses' and 'culture wars' frames, the role of fossil fuel interests in seeding misinformation, and the impact of fringe websites and algorithmic amplification on digital platforms.

The report uses the Six Americas Super Short Survey (SASSY) to categorize Facebook users in 110 countries and territories into six groups: Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful, and Dismissive. The 'Alarmed' group is the largest in approximately 80 of the surveyed locations, with the highest percentages found in Chile (65%), Mexico (64%), Malawi (63%), Bolivia (62%), and Sri Lanka (61%). Conversely, the United States exhibits a higher proportion of 'Doubtful' and 'Dismissive' respondents (22%) compared to other major carbon emitters and is less 'Alarmed' (34%) than many of its peers. Regional analysis shows South America has the highest proportion of countries with a majority of 'Alarmed' respondents, while Southwest Asia and North Africa show higher levels of doubt or dismissal, particularly in Yemen (34%).

A joint response from eleven NGOs arguing that the EU has failed to meet binding obligations to end overfishing and wasteful discarding. The document calls for Total Allowable Catches (TACs) to be set at or below scientific advice, the implementation of Remote Electronic Monitoring (REM) to enforce the landing obligation, and the integration of climate adaptation and ecosystem-based approaches into fisheries management.

The author contends that the EPP, once a supporter of the European Green Deal, is now radicalising its position to align with far-right narratives. This shift is evidenced by the EPP's opposition to nature restoration laws, which the party claims would "lead to less food production". The text suggests that the EPP's strategy is influenced by the success of the Dutch BoerBurgerBeweging party and has led to policy alignment with the ECR and ID groups in the European Parliament. Consequently, the Greens are left defending moderate policies while the EPP moves toward climate denialism, potentially jeopardizing the EU's climate neutrality goals for 2050.