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The report details a period of institutional violence in Honduras following the 2009 coup, characterized by the criminalization of environmental and land defenders, systemic gender-based violence, and the expansion of transnational corporate control over natural resources. It documents specific cases of human rights abuses, including the murders of Berta Cáceres and Keyla Martínez and the forced disappearance of Garífuna leaders. The text argues that the state acted as a facilitator for extractivist projects—such as hydroelectric dams and 'model cities' (ZEDEs)—often ignoring the right to free, prior, and informed consent. It concludes by welcoming the election of Xiomara Castro as a step toward democratic recovery and calls for continued international solidarity to support a feminist and just transition.

The document details a 12-year period of state-sponsored violence and corporate exploitation in Honduras after the 2009 coup. It focuses on the criminalization of environmental defenders, the disproportionate impact of femicide and patriarchal violence, and the role of transnational corporations in seizing indigenous lands for tourism and energy projects. It concludes by supporting the transition to the government of Xiomara Castro and advocating for continued international solidarity.

GreenLatinos condemns the US Supreme Court's ruling in West Virginia v. EPA, stating it undermines the EPA's ability to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from power plants and harms communities of color. The organization links this legal setback to broader human rights issues and climate-induced migration, calling on Congress to pass a $550 billion reconciliation package and invest in a just transition to renewable energy.

The proposal seeks USD 2,545,711 over 36 months to address fiscal vulnerabilities and institutional gaps in the Dominican Republic. Key initiatives include developing a National Climate Finance Strategy, preparing for sovereign green bond issuance, implementing debt-for-climate swaps, and establishing a National Financing Vehicle. The program also aims to green the banking sector, integrate climate criteria into public-private partnerships (PPPs), develop a National Ecotourism Strategy, and create 436,065 green jobs through vocational training. Additionally, it provides technical support to accredit two national entities as GCF Direct Access Entities.

The document identifies a substantial increase in protests in the Global South after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, driven by food and energy insecurity. Analyzing ACLED data, the authors found food protests in 32 countries and fuel protests in 37 countries. While many protests are isolated, in some nations—such as Paraguay, Guatemala, and Peru—these grievances constituted a significant portion of all unrest events. The report argues that such protests serve as warnings of household hardship and can lead to severe political consequences, citing the flight of Sri Lanka's president as an example.

The proposal seeks USD 748,282 to enhance the administrative and legal capacity of the Ministerio de Hacienda y Crédito Público (MHCP) as the National Designated Authority, integrate climate finance into the regulatory frameworks of the Central Bank of Nicaragua and the Superintendency of Banks and Other Financial Institutions, and develop detailed sectoral investment plans for energy, industrial processes, and forest management as part of a broader Green Growth Strategy.

The report finds that the 2020 target of restoring 150 million hectares of forest was not met, with only 18% achieved by 2019. It highlights the difficulty of monitoring restoration progress due to the limitations of satellite data and notes that in regions like Central America, gross tree cover gains have been offset by higher rates of loss. The document argues that achieving the 2030 goal requires transforming the enabling environment through quantified targets, strengthened policy and finance, and more consistent monitoring frameworks.

The report finds that while updated NDCs show increased country ownership, better alignment with national planning processes like National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), and a higher number of prioritized actions, most of these actions remain implementation-unready due to a lack of clear indicators, costs, and time frames. It highlights a general lack of understanding and explicit planning for transformative adaptation and a limited operationalization of 'Loss and Damage' concepts within national contexts.

The briefing analyzes the Biden Administration's 2021 climate security reports, identifying climate change as a 'shaping threat' that necessitates a reexamination of national security assumptions. It argues that climate risks are current and future, wide-ranging, and exacerbate other security concerns, particularly in competition with China. The authors propose five 2022 priorities: mainstreaming climate security in regional strategies, linking adaptation with conflict prevention, maximizing whole-of-government science collaboration, increasing support for allies, and utilizing strategic foresight for worst-case scenarios.

The document argues that the extractivist model, driven by capitalism and patriarchy, disproportionately impacts women by devaluing their care work and restricting their land tenure rights. It positions Community Forest Management (CFM) as a political tool for gender justice, emphasizing that women's specialized knowledge of biodiversity and their role in social reproduction are essential for territorial defense and food sovereignty. The framework calls for the recognition of women's land rights and active political participation to dismantle patriarchal structures and prevent the privatization of the commons.

The report argues that gender justice is inseparable from community forest management (CFM), as patriarchal and capitalist systems jointly oppress women and degrade the environment. It highlights how extractivism—including agribusiness and mining—displaces women, erodes their ancestral knowledge, and increases violence against them. The document emphasizes that women are central to CFM through their roles in care work, seed preservation, and biodiversity conservation, yet they face systemic barriers to land ownership and decision-making. It calls for the recognition of women's land rights and the valuation of their unpaid care work as fundamental steps toward social and environmental justice.

Friends of the Earth International highlights a global rise in authoritarianism and neoliberal economic expansion that has increased violence against environmental defenders, citing 227 deadly attacks in 2020 alone. The organization details its support for specific struggles, including the Garifuna people in Honduras facing land grabbing, social movements in Colombia resisting neoliberalism, Palestinians fighting for food sovereignty under Israeli occupation, and fishing communities in Mozambique affected by Total's LNG project. The document advocates for national protections for defenders and a binding UN treaty to hold multinational corporations accountable for human rights and environmental violations.

The document examines the expansion of transnational corporations (TNCs) in Latin America and the Caribbean, specifically within the energy and agriculture sectors. It argues that neoliberal reforms, free trade agreements, and the dismantling of state institutions have enabled TNCs to control territories, leading to widespread dispossession, environmental degradation, and human rights violations. The report highlights a systemic pattern of anti-democratic governance and a specific, severe impact on women's rights and land tenure. It concludes by proposing strategies for resistance, including the promotion of food sovereignty, agroecology, and the establishment of a UN Binding Treaty on Human Rights and Transnational Corporations.

The document argues that the lack of transparency regarding beneficial owners—the individuals exercising ultimate effective control over fishing vessels and facilities—is a primary enabler of corruption and IUU fishing. It details how 'flags of convenience' (FoCs), shell companies, and opaque joint ventures allow bad actors to evade sanctions, launder money, and engage in human rights abuses. The author highlights specific cases, such as the 'Fishrot' scandal in Namibia and the use of Chinese processing facilities to hide North Korean labor. To address these issues, the briefing recommends that governments implement public beneficial ownership registries, verify disclosed data, and that major market states like the US, EU, and Japan make beneficial ownership transparency a condition for seafood import access.

The analysis reveals that the COVID-19 pandemic has widened the climate finance gap in developing countries, leading to domestic budget reallocations away from climate projects toward health and economic recovery. International climate finance has also decreased, with a higher reliance on loans that increase national debt burdens. The report highlights that climate-finance needs, estimated at $4.6 trillion based on a sample of NDCs, far exceed current flows, and that pandemic-related restrictions have delayed the approval and execution of critical climate projects.

As of May 24, 2022, 43 companies have committed USD 458 million across 48 countries to support the Zero Hunger Private Sector Pledge. The largest individual commitments come from Bayer (USD 160 million) and PepsiCo (USD 100 million), with significant regional focus on Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

The programme targets seven catchments across Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, and the Dominican Republic to combat droughts and extreme rainfall. It employs a blended finance model consisting of a US$28 million grant facility for vulnerable communities, a US$102.8 million lending facility for EbA investments, and a US$30 million guarantee facility to de-risk lending for partner financial institutions. Key activities include reforestation, agroforestry, the installation of rainwater harvesting systems, and the establishment of a regional knowledge hub to mainstream EbA into national policies. The programme aims to directly benefit approximately 1.08 million people.

The proposal seeks USD 299,846 to help Honduras integrate climate resilience into its post-pandemic and post-disaster economic recovery. The project focuses on using the Green Economy Model (GEM) to quantify impacts, conducting stakeholder consultations to prioritize interventions, and developing a concrete investment plan. This will culminate in three pre-feasibility studies and at least one project concept note for future GCF funding. The initiative is aligned with the national Reconstruction and Sustainable Development Plan (PRDS) and is implemented by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).

The LAC region has a high overall electrification rate of 97%, yet 18.1 million people remain without electricity and 65 million are underserved. The report argues that off-grid renewable energy solutions are the best fit for at least 40% of this access gap, particularly in rural 'last-mile' communities. While the region possesses vast renewable resources, market growth is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, limited regulatory frameworks for private off-grid actors, and a lack of coordinated data. The document provides detailed country profiles for Haiti, Honduras, and Suriname, highlighting their specific challenges and the potential for productive use of renewable energy (PURE) to drive local economic development.

The author contends that U.S. foreign policy fails to recognize the complex drivers of forced displacement in Central America, specifically the intersection of extreme weather events and structural poverty. The text highlights how the Central American Dry Corridor is particularly vulnerable to droughts and storms, which destroy subsistence agriculture and drive migration. It further argues that many migrants are misclassified as 'economic migrants' when they are actually fleeing climate-induced food insecurity and systemic oppression, particularly among Indigenous groups. The author calls for a shift from a 'hard security' approach to a humanitarian framework based on 'common but differentiated responsibilities' to address the asylum and refugee needs of this population.