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Africa was instrumental in establishing the deep seabed mining regime under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea but became apathetic following the 1994 Implementation Agreement. Currently, Africa is the only regional group that has not sponsored an entity to explore the international seabed area (the Area). While the African Union and the UN Economic Commission for Africa have integrated DSM into blue economy strategies and roadmaps, implementation has lagged. The report argues that investing in DSM is strategically appropriate for Africa as the global transition to a low-carbon economy may impact terrestrial mining. It recommends that African states consider sponsoring exploration contracts and that the AU adopt the Lomé Annexes and revise its Integrated Maritime Strategy to provide a clear legal and policy framework for DSM.

The report examines the African Union's struggle to deter military coups and combat terrorism, highlighting the limitations of current frameworks and the need for a more holistic approach. It focuses on the Malabo summit's agenda, including the Accra Declaration on unconstitutional changes of government and the establishment of an African Standby Force counterterrorism unit. The document also analyzes the security volatility in the Lake Chad Basin and the fragile humanitarian truce in Ethiopia, arguing for a shift from purely militaristic responses to those incorporating political and social measures.

The project aims to modernize Sierra Leone's hydrometeorological infrastructure and institutional capacity to reduce losses from climate-related disasters. It proposes a $11.3 million investment to establish automated decision management systems, rehabilitate observation networks with at least 50 new stations, and implement forecast-based financing (FbF). The initiative targets 7.9 million people, focusing on vulnerable populations and women, to improve disaster risk knowledge and response capabilities across the country, particularly in the Freetown peninsula.

The Lagos Declaration on Community Justice outlines a series of pledges by West African organisations to strengthen legal empowerment for the poor. Key commitments include training paralegals to address climate change and land rights, increasing the participation of women in legal work, and advocating for the formal recognition of community paralegals across the region. The participating organisations, forming the West Africa Legal Empowerment Network, aim to co-create participatory action research to tackle environmental and land justice challenges in both rural and urban settings.

The report examines the drivers of recent coups in West Africa and the need for the AU to strengthen normative frameworks against unconstitutional changes of government. It assesses the shift in EU financing from the Africa Peace Facility (APF) to the European Peace Facility (EPF), warning that this may increase European militarism and reduce AU leadership in peace operations. Additionally, it evaluates the transition from AMISOM to ATMIS in Somalia and the potential for joint AU-UN mediation to resolve the political stalemate in Sudan.

The document provides a detailed table and supplementary notes on fossil fuel companies, tracking their emissions intensity pathways against 1.5°C and 2°C targets. It highlights that many major companies, including BP, Chevron, and Saudi Aramco, have emissions intensity pathways outside the 2°C target. The report also identifies companies with interests in tar sands, such as ExxonMobil and Royal Dutch Shell, and notes that the SBTi stopped accepting commitments from fossil fuel companies in March 2022. Additionally, it documents environmental disasters, corruption allegations, and disinformation campaigns linked to these entities.

The briefing outlines critical areas of focus for Africa in 2022, including democratic transitions in eighteen countries, the management of military coups in states like Mali and Sudan, and the fight against terrorism in regions such as the Lake Chad Basin. It highlights Africa's priorities for COP27, specifically the need for climate finance, technology transfer, and a just transition that supports industrialisation. Additionally, it examines the evolution of China-Africa relations following the FOCAC Ministerial Meeting and the potential impact of China's debt on Kenya's elections.

West Africa has experienced warming of 1–3°C since the mid-1970s, leading to increased heatwaves, variable rainfall, and widespread losses in GDP and food productivity. Future projections indicate severe risks, including a potential 30% decline in marine fisheries catch and significant population exposure to sea level rise, particularly in coastal cities like Lagos and Abidjan. Adaptation requires transformative, ecosystem-based approaches and a significant increase in climate finance, as current funding is insufficient and heavily skewed toward non-African institutions.

The Living Planet Report 2022 documents a severe decline in global wildlife populations and emphasizes the interlinked nature of the biodiversity and climate crises. It advocates for a global 'nature-positive' goal by 2030, requiring transformative shifts in economic systems, production, and consumption to move beyond current conservation efforts and address the root drivers of environmental degradation.

The document examines the 'militarisation of politics' in Africa, using the conflict in Ethiopia between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) as a primary example. It defines militarisation as the tendency to settle political disputes militarily and notes that this trend is often a legacy of colonial rule. The author highlights a history of military coups and civil wars across the continent, noting that by 2017, Africa had experienced 200 successful and failed coups. While the African Union (AU) has frameworks like the Lomé Declaration and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance to prevent unconstitutional changes of government, the document argues that inconsistent implementation—such as the AU's failure to suspend Chad after the seizure of power by the Transnational Military Council—undermines these efforts. Additionally, the text notes a 17% increase in African military spending over the last decade, totaling $41.2 billion in 2019. In the Horn of Africa, the conflict involving Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Sudan risks regional destabilisation and the undoing of previous peace agreements.

The document examines the G20/OECD Inclusive Framework's 'Two-Pillar Solution' to tax challenges from the digitalisation of the economy, highlighting how current global tax fragmentation allows multinational corporations to avoid taxes. It argues that African and least-developed countries suffer disproportionate revenue losses as a share of GDP and are underrepresented in negotiations. The brief criticizes the agreement for a high turnover threshold that limits the number of taxable companies and for a minimum corporate tax rate of 15% that some African nations find too low. It recommends increasing African participation, moving negotiations to a neutral UN forum, and providing technical and financial support to ensure equitable implementation.

The policy brief examines the conflict between the OECD's Pillar Two Global Minimum Tax and 'fiscal stabilization' clauses, which are common in developing economies and can lock in tax incentives for decades. It argues that these clauses risk exposing governments to international arbitration if they raise taxes to meet the 15% minimum. The author recommends that OECD model legislation explicitly state that the global minimum tax applies regardless of stabilized incentives and that Inclusive Framework members agree that good-faith adjustments to align with GloBE rules do not constitute breaches of international law or investment treaties.

The policy brief examines the conflict between the OECD's Pillar Two global minimum tax and 'fiscal stabilization' clauses often found in the national laws and investment agreements of developing countries. These clauses can freeze tax incentives and prevent states from raising effective tax rates to 15% without risking international arbitration. The authors recommend that the OECD's model legislation explicitly state that the global minimum tax applies regardless of stabilization agreements and that members of the Inclusive Framework agree that good-faith adjustments to align with GloBE rules are not violations of international law or investment treaties.

The report examines the challenges in operationalizing the AU Peace Fund, specifically disagreements over contribution scales among member states. It warns against the increasing use of private military and security companies (PMSCs) like the Wagner Group in Africa, citing human rights risks. Additionally, it advocates for a revamp of the AU's PCRD approach to better address post-authoritarian transitions and the role of women in peacebuilding, using The Gambia as a model for small, expert-led deployments.

The document examines China's role as a primary funder and contractor of ICT networks in the Global South, specifically through the Digital Silk Road (DSR) initiative. It compares the implementation of a submarine fibre optic cable in Cambodia and the National ICT Broadband Backbone in Tanzania. The analysis finds that while these projects generally had limited environmental impacts and provided essential connectivity, they suffered from a lack of transparency and mixed results in socioeconomic mitigation, such as limited high-level technology transfer and underutilisation of infrastructure.

The document examines the geopolitical competition between the US and China in Africa, suggesting that African nations can increase their agency by playing rival powers against each other to obtain better investment, infrastructure funding, and trade agreements. It highlights examples from Guinea and Ethiopia where this strategy yielded better contract terms and infrastructure packages. The author proposes five measures for African governments: avoiding opportunistic short-term offers, adopting integrated strategic plans (citing Senegal's Plan Emergent Senegal), learning from other regions like Latin America and Southeast Asia, enhancing bureaucratic capacity and local expertise on foreign partners, and promoting trilateral or quadrilateral cooperation between traditional and new partners.

Mighty Earth argues that the European Commission's decision to exclude natural rubber from its proposed anti-deforestation law is based on an incomplete dataset that ignores processed rubber imports. The briefing highlights that rubber expansion has caused millions of hectares of forest loss in Southeast Asia and Africa, and warns that a projected 33% increase in global demand by 2030 will further drive biodiversity loss and carbon emissions.

The report analyzes the security landscape of West Africa, identifying a complex interplay of weak governance, economic inequality, and emerging threats like violent extremism and transnational crime. It highlights how these factors undermine regional stability and development, particularly in the Sahel. While Ghana is relatively stable, it faces risks from porous borders and internal community tensions. The document recommends pursuing economic integration via the AfCFTA, addressing youth unemployment, and strengthening regional security alliances to combat terrorism and trafficking.

The document analyzes the impact of Covid-19 on green SMME exporters in the Western Cape and evaluates how Wesgro adapted its trade promotion services. Key findings highlight that while travel restrictions severely hindered traditional matchmaking, the shift to virtual training, hybrid trade missions, and digital marketing increased accessibility for smaller firms. The report argues that these digital tools can reduce the environmental impact of business travel and help exporters adapt to emerging green economy demands and climate-related trade barriers, particularly in the EU market.

As of May 24, 2022, 43 companies have committed USD 458 million across 48 countries to support the Zero Hunger Private Sector Pledge. The largest individual commitments come from Bayer (USD 160 million) and PepsiCo (USD 100 million), with significant regional focus on Africa, Asia, and Latin America.