Search Climate Insights Directory

The report finds that while the overall volume of posts using terms like "climate cult" or "eco terrorists" on X has remained stable, the number of replies containing dehumanising language has more than doubled. On Facebook and Instagram, over 68,000 posts used denigrating terms, reaching a cumulative 1.86 million shares. TikTok users employ "coded violence" and "dog whistles" to evade moderation, with comments frequently endorsing police violence, including the use of cattle prods and pepper spray. The report argues that this digital rhetoric creates a "pipeline to violence," citing the 2023 fatal shooting of protesters in Panama and the broader criminalisation of environmental defenders.

The document highlights that just 1% of Guatemala's estimated superhot rock geothermal resource could provide 31 GW of energy capacity, far exceeding the country's 2021 electricity consumption of 13,896 GWh. This resource could theoretically replace all coal, oil, and gas used for electricity production, reducing emissions by approximately 4 megatonnes of CO2eq, which represents 7% of Guatemala's 2030 NDC goal. Additionally, the technology is noted for its low land footprint, requiring roughly 12 km² per 1 GW, and its ability to provide 24/7 firm power, potentially reducing the need for extensive new transmission infrastructure.

The document introduces Minimum Standards for local climate-smart Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) to move beyond 'business as usual' by incorporating changing climate risks into local planning. These standards are designed as practical, achievable goals for communities with limited support, serving as a bridge to national adaptation strategies. The framework is organized into four themes: information flow and capacity development, project planning and implementation, monitoring, evaluation and learning, and awareness raising and policy dialogue. It includes specific roles for civil society organizations (CSOs) and government authorities to create an enabling environment for these standards. Developed through the Partners for Resilience (PfR) programme and consultations in Indonesia, the standards aim to ensure that local DRR contributes meaningfully to climate change adaptation.

The Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) has released a toolkit to guide citizens in submitting feedback on South Africa's Climate Change Bill. The guide outlines the lawmaking process, explains the role of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and identifies critical gaps in the Bill, such as the lack of urgent timeframes for emissions targets, weak transparency provisions, and the use of an outdated 2015 NDC as an interim trajectory. It urges the public to demand stronger penalties for exceeding carbon budgets and more meaningful public participation hearings.

The report documents a global pattern of violence and legal harassment against land and environmental rights defenders in 2013. It argues that these individuals, often representing vulnerable indigenous or rural communities, are targeted by governments and corporations during conflicts over natural resources and large-scale development projects. The document provides specific case studies from Europe, the Americas, Africa, and Asia, detailing arrests, assassinations, and forced displacements linked to opposition to mining, hydroelectric dams, agribusiness, and oil exploration.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) issued climate-related recommendations or questions to 35 out of 43 States considered in 2023. The Committee primarily focused on the differentiated impact of climate change on women, emphasizing the need for gender-responsive strategies in adaptation and disaster risk reduction, as well as the increased vulnerability of rural, Indigenous, migrant, and refugee women. While less frequent than adaptation, the Committee also addressed mitigation policies, fossil fuel extraction—specifically criticizing Norway's expansion of oil and gas permits in the Arctic—and the necessity of women's participation in the UNFCCC loss and damage fund.

The document argues that the export of pesticides prohibited or not approved in Europe (EU, Switzerland, and the UK) to parties of the Bamako Convention in Africa and the Central American Agreement constitutes a violation of international law. It asserts that these substances are classified as hazardous waste under the national laws of importing countries and the terms of these regional agreements, thereby breaching the Basel Convention. Furthermore, the text claims that these exports violate international human rights obligations regarding the right to health. The analysis extends to other exporting nations like Canada, China, and Russia, concluding that all Basel Convention parties must immediately prohibit the export of such hazardous chemicals.

The document argues that exporting pesticides banned in their country of origin to Africa and Central America violates the Bamako Convention, the Central American Agreement, and the Basel Convention, as these substances are defined as hazardous waste by the importing nations. It asserts that European states and other Basel Convention parties (such as Canada, China, and Russia) are failing their international legal and human rights obligations by allowing this trade, which harms health and ecosystems in low- and middle-income countries.

The document catalogues alleged human rights implications across numerous international projects in sectors such as mining, energy, and forestry. It organizes these cases by the specific right implicated, including the rights to adequate food, housing, health, and life, as well as freedoms from forced labor and torture. The case studies highlight recurring issues such as forced resettlement, environmental contamination of water and land, the use of military force to suppress protests, and inadequate compensation for displaced populations.

The report examines 38 cases of international arbitration brought by mining companies against Latin American states, highlighting a pattern where corporate legal protections are used to bypass national courts and penalize governments for implementing public health, environmental, or indigenous rights policies. It identifies Canada as a primary source of mining investment and litigation in the region and argues that the current ISDS framework creates a 'chilling effect' on democratic regulation. The document details specific cases in countries such as El Salvador, Colombia, and Venezuela, and proposes a shift toward a legal framework that prioritizes human rights and environmental protection over investor profits.

The report argues that pesticides banned in their country of manufacture are classified as 'hazardous wastes' under the Bamako Convention and the Central American Agreement. Because many importing nations in Africa and Central America have monist legal systems or specific domestic laws incorporating these definitions, the report concludes that exporting such substances from Basel Convention parties (including the EU, UK, and Switzerland) violates the Basel Convention, international customary law, and the extraterritorial human rights obligation to protect the right to health.

The document outlines the severe health vulnerabilities of the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region due to climate change, emphasizing the disproportionate impact on marginalized groups. It calls for a transition to sustainable food and energy systems, the strengthening of primary healthcare, and the implementation of climate justice to protect the right to health.

The report argues that climate change and armed conflict act as mutually reinforcing drivers of harm, creating a polycrisis that disproportionately affects vulnerable populations. It highlights how climate change serves as a 'threat multiplier' by exacerbating resource scarcity and instability, while military activities contribute significantly to global greenhouse gas emissions and environmental degradation. The document emphasizes the resulting collapse of health systems and the emergence of infectious diseases in conflict zones. It calls for integrated climate, health, and peacebuilding strategies, including a transition to renewable energy and greater military accountability for emissions, to break this cycle of harm.

The Santa Rita Hydroelectric Plant in Guatemala's Alta Verapaz region was registered as a Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) project in June 2014 despite strong opposition from local indigenous communities. The document asserts that the project violated the Guatemalan Agreement on Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples, ILO Convention 169, and CDM Modalities and Procedures by failing to conduct proper public consultations. This lack of compliance is linked to severe human rights abuses, including the alleged deaths of seven people and repressive police operations against Q’eqchi´ communities. The project is funded by the Latin Renewables Infrastructure Fund (LRIF), with investments from the IFC (USD 15mln), SIFEM (USD 7mln), DEG, FMO, and AECID. Civil society organizations have filed complaints with the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman (CAO) and the IFC, demanding the withdrawal of financing and the cancellation of the CDM registration.

The Santa Rita hydroelectric project on the Dolores River in Alta Verapaz, Guatemala, was registered under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) in June 2014 despite strong opposition from local Q’eqchi’ communities. The document reports that the project violated the Guatemalan Agreement on Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples, ILO Convention 169, and CDM procedures by failing to conduct appropriate public consultations. This lack of consultation and the subsequent project development led to severe human rights abuses, including the alleged extrajudicial killings of seven people, including two children, and violent police repression against indigenous families in August 2014. The project is funded via the Latin Renewables Infrastructure Fund (LRIF), with investors including the International Finance Corporation (IFC), which contributed 15 million dollars, and the Swiss Investment Fund for Emerging Markets (SIFEM), which contributed approximately 7 million dollars. In October 2014, civil society organizations filed a formal complaint with the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman (CAO) of the IFC, citing a lack of public consultation and the criminalization of opponents. The document uses this case to advocate for a human rights-based strategy in the 2015 climate agreement, noting that climate actions must respect and protect human rights.

The report argues that climate change will increasingly exacerbate risks to US national security by intensifying physical impacts and mounting geopolitical tensions over the energy transition. It identifies a likely increase in cross-border conflicts over water and migration, strategic competition in the Arctic, and the risk of unilateral solar geoengineering. The document highlights 11 highly vulnerable countries and two regions (Central Africa and Pacific island states) where climate-induced instability may necessitate increased US diplomatic, humanitarian, and military resources. It also notes that current global policies are insufficient to meet Paris Agreement goals, leading to competition over critical minerals and technologies.

The document argues that community forest management must be viewed through a feminist lens to address the structural violence and oppression women face. It highlights that women possess diversified, holistic knowledge of forests—including agriculture, food, and conservation—and asserts that gender justice is essential for the defense of life and biodiversity. The framework advocates for women's full participation in social, political, and economic life, including autonomous access to water and seeds.

The document advocates for a feminist approach to community forest management, highlighting women's specialized holistic knowledge of biodiversity and the need to dismantle patriarchal power dynamics to ensure women's full social, political, and economic participation in their communities.

The document establishes a feminist framework for community forest management, emphasizing that patriarchal systems cause structural violence against women and their territories. It highlights that women possess diversified, holistic knowledge of forest products, biodiversity, and conservation, which is essential for the defense of life. The framework advocates for the integration of ecofeminism and territorial community feminisms to dismantle power dynamics and guarantee women's autonomy and right to full participation in the social, political, and economic life of their communities.

The document reports on the third Sustainability School organized by COECOCeiba AT in the community of Juanilama, Costa Rica. It advocates for 'Buen Vivir' (Good Living) as a foundation for sustainability, emphasizing the role of popular education in descolonizing thought and empowering social movements. The text contrasts the community-led agroecological practices and forest management in Juanilama with the destructive impacts of industrial agribusiness, such as pineapple and sugarcane monocultures. It further calls for climate justice, the rejection of carbon offsets and free trade agreements, and the promotion of food sovereignty through peasant mobilization and the recovery of ancestral knowledge.