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A coalition of 76 organizations urges UNESCO and the World Heritage Committee to hold state parties accountable for their contributions to climate change. The authors argue that the World Heritage Convention requires states to align their national policies, including fossil fuel exports, with the 1.5°C warming limit to protect the Outstanding Universal Value (OUV) of heritage sites. The statement provides examples of other UN treaty bodies making similar mitigation recommendations to countries such as Australia, Argentina, and Germany.

The European Union views the transition to renewable energy as a path toward energy security and industrial power, yet it faces significant strategic hurdles. Internally, the EU lacks a unified vision for its future integrated energy system, leading to risks of redundant spending and a 'multi-speed' transition where Western and Eastern member states have diverging interests. Externally, the shift creates new dependencies on critical materials and intensifies industrial rivalry with the US and China. The author suggests that the EU must move beyond a purely economic approach to a comprehensive industrial and political strategy, potentially supported by the Green Deal and the Just Transition Fund, to ensure long-term stability and competitiveness.

The document examines Ukraine's pursuit of EU and NATO integration, contrasting the assertive rhetoric of the Poroshenko administration (2014-2019) with the more pragmatic, technocratic approach of the Zelensky administration (2019-present). It details the 'three pillars' of Poroshenko's strategy—pro-integration rhetoric, technical harmonisation with EU/NATO standards, and expanding third-country partnerships—and notes that Zelensky has shifted priority toward sectoral integration in digital, energy, and customs markets. The text also discusses the challenges of the war in Donbas, the Normandy Four diplomatic framework, and the potential for the European Green Deal to serve as a framework for future Ukraine-EU cooperation.

The research paper examines Turkey's efforts to re-assert regional influence through military and economic engagement in North and East Africa. It highlights Turkey's support for the Government of National Accord (GNA) in Libya, its strategic energy interests in the Mediterranean, and its long-term development and diplomatic presence in the Horn of Africa, particularly Somalia. The text notes the complex interplay between Turkey, Russia, and the EU in managing the Libyan crisis, as well as Turkey's rivalry with a bloc including Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

The global green bond and green loan market reached a record USD 257.7 billion in 2019, a 51% increase over 2018. Growth was primarily driven by Europe, which accounted for 45% of global issuance. The USA, China, and France remained the top-ranked countries, together representing 44% of the market. Energy and Buildings were the dominant sectors for use of proceeds, each holding approximately 30% market share. Certified Climate Bonds grew by 86% to reach USD 45 billion, with cumulative certified issuance surpassing the USD 100 billion milestone. The market also saw increased diversification with debut issuances from emerging markets including Kenya, Barbados, and Saudi Arabia.

The document examines the erosion of the EU's longstanding consensus on a two-state solution for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. It highlights how internal divisions—exemplified by the opposing positions of Sweden and Hungary, and the alignment of the Visegrád Four with the Israeli government—undermine the EU's capacity for a concerted foreign policy. Despite possessing a wide array of policy tools to pressure both the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority, the authors argue that the EU's risk-averse nature and complex structure make significant policy shifts unlikely, leaving the bloc 'stuck in the logic of Oslo'.

The document examines two policy options recommended by a 2018 Swedish Government inquiry: a total ban on sewage sludge reuse or a limited ban allowing application only if strict quality standards are met. It highlights that while both aim to reduce environmental risks and improve phosphorus recycling, a total ban would render existing investments in certification programs like REVAQ obsolete and necessitate costly transitions to incineration and ash-based phosphorus recovery. Using Uppsala as an example, the brief argues that a limited ban is preferable as it protects upstream pollution reduction efforts and preserves the value of organic matter in sludge.

The document traces the development of the bioeconomy concept from its roots in biotechnology and life sciences to a broader policy framework aimed at sustainability and climate goals. It highlights the EU's leadership in establishing bioeconomy strategies, which have influenced national policies globally. The text distinguishes between biotechnology-centered and transformation-centered approaches, while emphasizing that bio-based products are not inherently sustainable. It also discusses the rise of regional bioeconomy clusters and the need for participatory governance and life-cycle assessments to ensure genuine ecological benefits.

The report analyzes Bolivia's quinoa sector through a 'value web' lens, identifying that while the country has high biocapacity and biodiversity, the industry remains heavily reliant on exporting bulk seeds. It highlights the underutilization of quinoa biomass—specifically saponins and residual stems/husks—and identifies critical gaps in public financing and knowledge exchange between industry and research institutions. The authors warn that current policies favoring specific varieties like quinoa real and organic monocultures may threaten biodiversity and climate resilience.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) asserts that current US dietary advice fails to support long-term environmental sustainability. A systematic review of 22 studies published between 2015 and 2019 indicates that the 'Healthy U.S.-Style' diet may not reduce, and could even increase, heat-trapping emissions, energy use, and water use compared to the average US diet. The brief highlights that diets higher in plant-based foods and lower in animal-based foods—specifically those with less meat and dairy—offer greater benefits for both human health and the environment. It also emphasizes that sustainable diets must address social and economic inequalities, noting that marginalized populations and food system workers face disproportionate health hazards and economic disparities. The document recommends that the scientific advisory committee for the 2020-2025 guidelines address sustainability, that Congress support its inclusion, and that funding be increased for interdisciplinary research on healthy, sustainable diets.

The document argues that South Africa can achieve strategic goals—including preparing for ICAO's CORSIA framework, supporting its tourism sector against 'flight shame', and creating green jobs—by developing a domestic SAF industry. It identifies a wide range of policy tools such as blending mandates, financial incentives, and taxation. The brief proposes a phased roadmap for South Africa: short-term (2020-2025) focus on a 2-3% blending mandate and a long-term (beyond 2030) target to replace 50% of aviation fuel with locally produced SAF by 2050.

The author argues that Russia has shifted from viewing the EU as a model for modernisation to seeing it as a strategic challenger to its neo-imperialist vision. To counter Western influence and the 'eastward march' of Europe, the Kremlin employs a strategy of 'managing instability' through disinformation, cyberattacks, and the support of far-right political parties in Europe. While Russia seeks bilateral rapprochement with key powers like Germany and France to bypass sanctions and isolate Eastern European 'Russosceptic' countries, the author contends that Moscow's strategic goals remain unfulfilled and that it will continue to exploit Western electoral cycles to foment populism.

The European Commission's European Green Deal Investment Plan (EGDIP) aims to mobilise over 1 trillion EUR over 10 years to support the EU's transition to climate neutrality. A central part of this is the Just Transition Mechanism (JTM), which intends to mobilise at least 100 billion EUR between 2021 and 2027 to mitigate the social and economic impacts on carbon-intensive sectors. The JTM includes the Just Transition Fund (JTF), which has a projected financing capacity of 30-50 billion EUR and explicitly excludes fossil fuel infrastructure. While the author views these as positive steps, they argue that the JTM is currently insufficient to meet all needs and that funding should be strictly limited to countries supporting the 2050 climate neutrality target.

The analysis examines the shift in Germany's relationship with the Visegrad Group from one of normative leadership to pragmatic economic cooperation. While economic ties remain strong, political rifts over democracy, the rule of law, and migration have eroded Berlin's influence. The author argues that Germany's avoidance of these contentious issues to protect geoeconomic interests hampers the EU's collective sovereignty and effectiveness, particularly as Germany prepares for its 2020 EU presidency.

The document examines Ghana's engagement with the G20 Compact with Africa (CwA), noting that while the country has a strong appetite for reform, many commitments were already part of IMF programmes. It finds that while FDI generally increased between 2015 and 2018, there is little evidence that this was caused by the CwA, and the level of investment has not been commensurate with the reforms required. The author argues for a more inclusive, all-government approach and stronger engagement with the domestic private sector to unlock meaningful investment.

The G20 Compact with Africa (CwA) offers a framework for macroeconomic, business, and financial reforms to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), but Zimbabwe has failed to engage with it. Despite the alignment between CwA goals and Zimbabwe's Transitional Stabilisation Programme (TSP), the country is hindered by a lack of genuine reform culture, significant multilateral debt arrears, and a preference for bilateral infrastructure funding from China. Furthermore, there is a profound lack of awareness of the CwA among Zimbabwean policymakers and private sector stakeholders.

The document examines a 2020 Swedish government inquiry into sewage sludge management, which weighed a complete ban on agricultural reuse against continued use under stricter quality requirements. While the inquiry focused on recovering phosphorus, the authors argue that this narrow focus ignores the significant potential for recovering nitrogen and potassium, which could reduce Sweden's dependence on imported fertilizers and lower greenhouse gas emissions. The brief highlights the role of the REVAQ certification programme in controlling contaminants and discusses alternatives such as incineration with ash-based phosphorus recovery and source-separation of blackwater and urine.

The document outlines how the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) integrates climate change into its monitoring of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). It details the Committee's use of General Comments, Joint Statements, and State reporting procedures to hold States accountable for climate-related impacts on rights such as health, food, and water. Key findings emphasize that States must implement emissions cuts reflecting the "highest possible ambition," regulate private actors to prevent climate harm, and ensure that high-income States provide climate finance to developing nations beyond existing official development assistance. The briefing also analyzes trends in the Committee's Concluding Observations from 2008 to 2019, noting a higher frequency of climate-related recommendations for developed countries and a strong focus on mitigation, adaptation, and international cooperation.

The report investigates the potential for a new on-tax financing model (EuroPACE) to drive deep energy efficiency retrofits in European residential buildings. It identifies significant market failures, such as long payback periods and knowledge gaps, that hinder private investment. Through analysis of four target countries and three successful case studies (Energiesprong, Oktave, and KfW), the document highlights that success depends on low-cost, long-term financing and the ability to aggregate demand. It projects a total lending potential for EuroPACE of nearly €4bn over ten years across the four primary countries, provided that penetration and renovation rates increase.

The report concludes that the US model of ABS securitisation for PACE loans is not directly applicable to Europe due to regulatory differences, a lack of historical performance data for 'Simple, Transparent and Standardised' (STS) treatment, and diverse national legal frameworks. Instead, it recommends localised solutions such as covered bonds, residential mortgage-backed securities (RMBS), and aggregation platforms. The document provides a global market analysis of green bonds for low-carbon buildings and outlines standardisation principles for energy efficiency loans to attract institutional capital.