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The document examines how climate change threatens Kenya's trade sector, particularly agriculture and tourism, through infrastructure damage and supply chain disruptions. It discusses the potential for 'green protectionism' via carbon labeling and border carbon adjustments, while suggesting that Kenya could gain a competitive advantage by branding its low-carbon niche products.

The document analyzes National Councils for Sustainable Development (NCSDs) as mechanisms for stakeholder engagement in national sustainable development strategies (NSDSs). It categorizes NCSDs by membership—government-only, mixed, or non-governmental—and evaluates the strengths and challenges of each. The briefing identifies key success factors, such as the appointment of independent chairs and the maintenance of a 'critical friend' relationship with government, while detailing the core functions of NCSDs in strategy creation, policy implementation, monitoring, and international outreach.

A coalition of social movements and NGOs argues that the FAO's current forest definition is reductionist and primarily benefits industrial timber, pulp, paper, and rubber companies. The authors contend that by defining forests simply as land with a certain percentage of tree cover, the FAO erroneously classifies large-scale monoculture plantations as 'reforestation' and ignores the structural and cultural importance of forests to the 300 million people who depend on them for their livelihoods. The letter calls for a new, community-led definition process that recognizes the role of forests in food sovereignty and biological diversity.

The document argues that while gender mainstreaming is embedded in international policies, a significant gap remains in national and local implementation of disaster risk reduction. It highlights that disasters often result in higher mortality for women and exacerbate existing inequalities, such as the wage gap seen after Hurricane Katrina. However, it also emphasizes that women possess unique capacities and leadership skills in disaster recovery, such as organizing emergency kitchens in Jakarta. The brief warns against treating women as a homogenous vulnerable group and criticizes the assumption in some industrialized nations that existing equality laws automatically ensure gender-sensitive DRR. It recommends that the next international framework (HFA2) utilize an independent institution for monitoring and prioritize the collection of gender-disaggregated data.

The document argues that while international policies have increasingly adopted gender mainstreaming, a significant gap remains in national and local implementation of disaster risk reduction (DRR). It highlights that women are often incorrectly viewed as a homogenous vulnerable group, overlooking their specific capacities and leadership in disaster recovery. The brief provides evidence of gender-differentiated impacts from events like the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami and Hurricane Katrina, and recommends that the next international framework include independent monitoring and the systematic collection of gender-disaggregated data.

The study finds that taxes on local air pollutants are more regressive than those on climate change pollutants because they increase the prices of basic necessities, such as food and electricity, which occupy a larger share of low-income household budgets. While a CO2 tax was found to be nearly proportional across income deciles, the LAP tax disproportionately affected the poorest households. Revenue recycling through reduced social security contributions improved overall economic efficiency but tended to worsen the distributional equity, particularly for the GCC tax scenario.

The report argues that China can leverage green bonds to meet its 12th Five-Year Plan environmental goals and reform its financial system. It proposes a roadmap including the definition of eligible green investments, the use of covered bonds to increase transparency for local government debt, and the creation of a Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) window for green bonds. The authors suggest that government support through tax incentives, first-loss provisions, and the use of state-owned enterprises for demonstration programs is essential to kick-start the market and attract both domestic retail and international institutional investors.

The paper finds that while G-20 documents rarely mention Africa explicitly, they address broader developing country interests, particularly in adapting financial standards and promoting financial inclusion. It highlights the role of the Financial Stability Board (FSB) and the Global Partnership for Financial Inclusion (GPFI) as key channels for African engagement, while noting that African states often lack the supervisory capacity to implement complex international standards like Basel III.

The author argues that the 2007 financial crisis failed to diminish the power of the banking lobby in shaping regulatory rules. Focusing on bank capital adequacy standards set by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (BCBS) and transposed into EU law via the Capital Requirements Directive (CRD IV), the text details how private financial actors dominate consultative processes. The author highlights how the banking sector successfully lobbied to delay the phase-in of Basel III requirements until 2018 and limited the application of the leverage ratio until 2017 by citing potential negative economic impacts. To counter this 'capture' of regulators, the author proposes increasing the range of stakeholders—including green SMEs and pension funds—and implementing a 'legislative footprint' to ensure transparency in the policymaking process.

The document introduces the CaRROT toolkit, an MS Excel-based tool for Kenya's flower industry to account for GHG emissions, energy, and water consumption. It outlines the assessment methodology based on ISO, IPCC, and GHG Protocol standards, and identifies climate-related business opportunities such as the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and voluntary carbon markets. The report recommends establishing sectoral baselines and enhancing capacity building to transition the industry toward a low-carbon model.

The document examines the 'sustainability of democracy,' exploring how representative systems can be reformed to address ecological challenges and the rights of future generations. It analyzes the role of Green political foundations as bridges between civil society and state institutions, critiques the 'short-termism' of current political cycles, and presents various democratic experiments—such as the Finnish Citizens' Initiative and the Green Primary—as pathways toward a more participatory and post-national European democracy.

The report assesses the volume and composition of municipal solid waste in Tallinn, evaluates current collection models, and compares the environmental impact of different waste treatment scenarios. It identifies significant contamination in bio-waste and packaging streams and argues that a centrally managed waste service model is most effective for achieving recycling goals, despite legislative restrictions in Estonia. Life cycle assessments indicate that mass incineration is more environmentally beneficial than landfilling or mechanical-biological treatment (MBT) due to energy recovery and the avoidance of fossil fuels.

The report analyzes Estonia's transport energy consumption from 2000–2012, noting a 33% increase driven primarily by road transport, which accounts for approximately 90% of the sector's energy use. It evaluates 24 measures across four categories: vehicle fuel efficiency, sustainable modes of transport, land-use planning, and fiscal measures. Key findings suggest that the highest energy-saving potential lies in shifting to more efficient conventional vehicles (A-B energy classes) and implementing smart fiscal tools like kilometer-based road charges and a Tallinn congestion charge. The report concludes that while electric vehicles have marginal impact in the short term, systemic changes in urban planning and public transport are essential for long-term demand management.

A collective declaration by 136 organisations opposing biodiversity offsets, arguing that nature cannot be traded as a commodity and that such mechanisms facilitate financial speculation and the avoidance of stricter environmental legislation.

The research paper examines the 2013 Elysée Summit on Peace and Security, noting that despite institutional changes in France—such as the liquidation of the Africa Cell and the replacement of the ministry of cooperation with the ministry of development—France remains the primary military 'gendarme' in African conflicts. The author highlights recent interventions in Mali (Operation Serval) and the Central African Republic as evidence that France continues to fill security voids that African institutions cannot yet manage. The paper concludes that African powers, specifically South Africa and Nigeria, should redefine 'African solutions to African problems' to include external pivots and improve coordination through initiatives like the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC).

The document outlines the foundational elements and strategic considerations for jurisdictions designing mandatory GHG reporting systems. It emphasizes that while design must be context-specific, success depends on a sound legal basis, stakeholder engagement, and sufficient institutional capacity. The paper advocates for a phased approach in developing countries and highlights how these programs can inform mitigation policies and track progress toward national targets by leveraging corporate emissions data.

The report examines the potential of South Africa's shale gas reserves, estimated by the US Energy Information Administration as the eighth largest globally. It contrasts a 'Base Case' of no fracking with a 'Shale Boom' and a 'Blue Bridge' scenario. While a shale boom could boost GDP and reduce poverty, it risks significant water contamination in the semi-arid Karoo region and may increase long-term carbon emissions by delaying renewable energy investment. The authors propose a 'Blue Bridge' approach, using an excise tax on fracking to fund renewable energy infrastructure, which they argue could maximize economic growth while ensuring long-term environmental sustainability.

As of September 30, 2013, the Green Climate Fund Trust Fund had total pledges and contributions of USDeq. 10 million, with USDeq. 8.31 million deposited. The GCF Board approved USD 8.43 million for administrative budgets from January 1, 2012, to December 31, 2013, and the interim trustee transferred USD 5.68 million to cover these costs. While USD 2.65 million was held in trust, no funds were available for new funding decisions as of the reporting date, pending outstanding pledges from Norway and the Republic of Korea.

The document is an open letter addressed to ministers and delegates of UNFCCC signatory states, urging them to adopt ambitious climate protection measures and stop the use of emissions trading to weaken climate commitments. The signatories, representing 33 countries, demand the rejection of a pilot phase for emissions unit trading under the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA), the prevention of double counting, and the exclusion of non-additional projects and coal from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). They also call for the cessation of fossil fuel subsidies and the implementation of human rights safeguards in climate projects.

The document outlines the state of climate finance negotiations leading up to COP19, focusing on the mobilization of US$100 billion per year by 2020 and the operationalization of the Green Climate Fund. It details the work of the Standing Committee on Finance, the challenges facing the Adaptation Fund due to falling carbon prices, and the need for 'enabling environments' in both developed and developing countries to attract and deploy investment. The guide emphasizes that providing financial assurance to developing countries is critical for securing their commitment to a new global climate agreement in 2015.