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The author argues that the EU has experienced a 'regulatory retreat' in the financial sector, characterized by the abandonment of structural reforms, the implementation of dysfunctional prudential ratios, and the failure to regulate shadow banking. The text highlights how lobbying and the 'better regulation' agenda have weakened rules on food speculation and securitization, leaving the EU vulnerable to future financial crises, potentially triggered by the Covid-19 pandemic.

The document calls for an immediate end to financial support for fossil fuel expansion to meet the 1.5°C climate goal. It criticizes financial institutions for insufficient exclusion policies and highlights the danger of non-conventional hydrocarbons and the continued expansion plans of oil and gas majors.

ClientEarth challenges the planned Belgian capacity mechanism (Planned CM), asserting that it lacks a complete design and fails to demonstrate a genuine resource adequacy concern. The organisation argues that the scheme would unfairly favour gas capacity, contradicting EU objectives to phase out environmentally harmful subsidies and hindering decarbonisation. It further contends that the Belgian electricity market's resilience and the availability of less distortive alternatives, such as strategic reserves and market reforms, render a market-wide capacity mechanism unnecessary. ClientEarth also warns that the Planned CM could strengthen the market dominance of existing oligopolistic players and lacks sufficient preference mechanisms for low-carbon resources.

The authors examine the experiences of villagers near the Garzweiler mine in the Rhineland, where lignite extraction continues to displace communities. They argue that the resettlement process is characterized by procedural injustice, as German federal mining law prioritizes resource extraction over residents' interests. The document highlights the failure of the 'joint resettlement' model to address non-material losses, such as the loss of 'Heimat' (homeland) and the erosion of social structures. It further links these local struggles to Germany's broader failure to accelerate its energy transition (Energiewende), noting that the country remains Europe's largest carbon emitter. The text describes the emergence of activist movements like Alle Dörfer Bleiben and Ende Gelände as responses to political inaction and the perceived entanglement between the government and the mining industry.

The author advocates for a 'legal revolution' to address the climate and environmental crisis by granting legal personhood to species and ecosystems. This approach aims to replace the current system, where nature is treated as an object for exploitation, with a framework that recognizes planetary boundaries and holds corporate executives accountable through the criminalization of ecocide. The text highlights the work of the non-profit Notre Affaire à Tous in mobilizing citizens and pursuing legal action, such as the Affaire du Siècle, to force state accountability.

The document advocates for the integration of advanced nuclear energy into a diversified zero-carbon energy portfolio to mitigate the risks and costs associated with relying solely on variable renewables. It highlights nuclear's advantages in power density, dispatchability, and its ability to produce carbon-free hydrogen for hard-to-electrify sectors. While acknowledging challenges such as high costs, waste disposal, and public perception, the author suggests that standardized construction, advanced reactor designs, and supportive federal policies—specifically the Nuclear Energy Leadership Act (NELA)—can make nuclear a scalable and cost-effective tool for climate mitigation.

The report synthesizes the work of UN human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs), including the CEDAW, CESCR, and CRC, on climate change. It details how these bodies use state reporting, communications procedures, and general comments to hold States accountable for human rights violations caused by climate change and insufficient mitigation efforts. Key findings emphasize the need for highest-ambition emissions cuts, the phasing out of fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups, including women, children, and Indigenous Peoples.

The document examines the role of fixed-income instruments in funding waste management and circular economy initiatives. It highlights that while waste management is only the fourth largest category for green bond use of proceeds, there is significant latent potential and investor demand. The briefing details specific issuances from corporates and local governments in Europe, the US, and Asia, and discusses the barriers to scaling these markets, such as the lack of standardised definitions. It particularly emphasizes Japan's leadership in resource efficiency and the potential for green bonds to support its circular economy goals.

The report analyzes 49 green bonds totaling USD36bn issued in H2 2019. It finds that green bonds generally outperformed vanilla equivalents in terms of book cover and spread compression. Approximately 50% of these bonds were allocated to investors identifying as green. The analysis also highlights a 'greenium' (pricing inside the yield curve) for several bonds and examines the growing market for sovereign green bonds, where 12 governments had issued such instruments by December 2019.

The document opposes converting coal power plants in Réunion to biomass, citing higher direct CO2 emissions, carbon debt from forest harvesting, and risks to biodiversity and food security. It argues that importing massive quantities of biomass pellets—estimated at 900,000 tonnes per year for the Bois-Rouge and Le Gol plants—contradicts France's 2015 energy transition law regarding overseas energy autonomy and suggests prioritizing solar and wind energy instead.

The document examines sub-national pooled financing mechanisms (SPFMs) as a tool for South African municipalities to access cost-effective private capital for infrastructure. While SPFMs have successfully mobilized billions in developed and emerging economies, they have not yet been implemented in Africa. In South Africa, the author identifies a mature bond market and appetite for municipal finance, but notes significant barriers including deteriorating municipal financial health, a lack of technical capacity, and limiting regulations from the National Treasury. The brief argues that the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) holds a near-monopoly on municipal lending and should lead de-risking efforts to catalyze a vibrant local government debt market.

The report examines the potential for a sustainable bioeconomy based on quinoa in Bolivia, noting that while the country has high biodiversity and biocapacity, the sector remains heavily focused on the export of bulk seeds. It identifies a value network consisting of basic products, value-added food products, and high-value-added cosmetic products derived from saponins. Key challenges include a lack of public financing for industrial transformation, limited knowledge exchange between industry and research institutions, and environmental risks such as soil erosion and loss of crop biodiversity due to the market preference for white royal quinoa.

The document examines Ukraine's pursuit of EU and NATO integration, contrasting the assertive rhetoric of the Poroshenko administration (2014-2019) with the more pragmatic, technocratic approach of the Zelensky administration (2019-present). It details the 'three pillars' of Poroshenko's strategy—pro-integration rhetoric, technical harmonisation with EU/NATO standards, and expanding third-country partnerships—and notes that Zelensky has shifted priority toward sectoral integration in digital, energy, and customs markets. The text also discusses the challenges of the war in Donbas, the Normandy Four diplomatic framework, and the potential for the European Green Deal to serve as a framework for future Ukraine-EU cooperation.

The research paper examines Turkey's efforts to re-assert regional influence through military and economic engagement in North and East Africa. It highlights Turkey's support for the Government of National Accord (GNA) in Libya, its strategic energy interests in the Mediterranean, and its long-term development and diplomatic presence in the Horn of Africa, particularly Somalia. The text notes the complex interplay between Turkey, Russia, and the EU in managing the Libyan crisis, as well as Turkey's rivalry with a bloc including Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

The global green bond and green loan market reached a record USD 257.7 billion in 2019, a 51% increase over 2018. Growth was primarily driven by Europe, which accounted for 45% of global issuance. The USA, China, and France remained the top-ranked countries, together representing 44% of the market. Energy and Buildings were the dominant sectors for use of proceeds, each holding approximately 30% market share. Certified Climate Bonds grew by 86% to reach USD 45 billion, with cumulative certified issuance surpassing the USD 100 billion milestone. The market also saw increased diversification with debut issuances from emerging markets including Kenya, Barbados, and Saudi Arabia.

The document examines the erosion of the EU's longstanding consensus on a two-state solution for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. It highlights how internal divisions—exemplified by the opposing positions of Sweden and Hungary, and the alignment of the Visegrád Four with the Israeli government—undermine the EU's capacity for a concerted foreign policy. Despite possessing a wide array of policy tools to pressure both the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority, the authors argue that the EU's risk-averse nature and complex structure make significant policy shifts unlikely, leaving the bloc 'stuck in the logic of Oslo'.

The document traces the development of the bioeconomy concept from its roots in biotechnology and life sciences to a broader policy framework aimed at sustainability and climate goals. It highlights the EU's leadership in establishing bioeconomy strategies, which have influenced national policies globally. The text distinguishes between biotechnology-centered and transformation-centered approaches, while emphasizing that bio-based products are not inherently sustainable. It also discusses the rise of regional bioeconomy clusters and the need for participatory governance and life-cycle assessments to ensure genuine ecological benefits.

The report analyzes Bolivia's quinoa sector through a 'value web' lens, identifying that while the country has high biocapacity and biodiversity, the industry remains heavily reliant on exporting bulk seeds. It highlights the underutilization of quinoa biomass—specifically saponins and residual stems/husks—and identifies critical gaps in public financing and knowledge exchange between industry and research institutions. The authors warn that current policies favoring specific varieties like quinoa real and organic monocultures may threaten biodiversity and climate resilience.

The document argues that South Africa can achieve strategic goals—including preparing for ICAO's CORSIA framework, supporting its tourism sector against 'flight shame', and creating green jobs—by developing a domestic SAF industry. It identifies a wide range of policy tools such as blending mandates, financial incentives, and taxation. The brief proposes a phased roadmap for South Africa: short-term (2020-2025) focus on a 2-3% blending mandate and a long-term (beyond 2030) target to replace 50% of aviation fuel with locally produced SAF by 2050.

The author argues that Russia has shifted from viewing the EU as a model for modernisation to seeing it as a strategic challenger to its neo-imperialist vision. To counter Western influence and the 'eastward march' of Europe, the Kremlin employs a strategy of 'managing instability' through disinformation, cyberattacks, and the support of far-right political parties in Europe. While Russia seeks bilateral rapprochement with key powers like Germany and France to bypass sanctions and isolate Eastern European 'Russosceptic' countries, the author contends that Moscow's strategic goals remain unfulfilled and that it will continue to exploit Western electoral cycles to foment populism.