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The report analyzes the issuance of sovereign GSS bonds based on a survey of 19 countries, finding that these instruments often attract a broader investor base and can price with a 'greenium' (lower yield) compared to vanilla bonds. It highlights that most issuers use GSS bonds to support national climate strategies and local market growth, typically managing the process through internal working groups and budget tagging of existing expenditures.

ClientEarth argues that EU State aid rules must be transformed into sustainability instruments that prohibit support for fossil fuels and harmful biomass, while prioritizing energy efficiency and renewable energy. The document calls for the strict application of the 'Energy Efficiency First' principle, the exclusion of low-carbon (fossil gas-based) hydrogen from subsidies, and the removal of aid for high-efficiency combined heat and power (CHP) plants. It further recommends increasing support for energy communities, zero-emission vehicles, and energy efficiency in buildings, while introducing a 'greenwashing test' to ensure the environmental integrity of aid beneficiaries.

The document examines five major industrial clusters in Belgium and the Netherlands, highlighting their economic significance and high greenhouse gas emissions. It argues that because each cluster's governance and industrial makeup differ, 'tailor-made policy' is required rather than generic instruments. The brief identifies the Antwerp-Rotterdam-Rhine-Ruhr Area (ARRRA) as a critical meta-cluster connected by extensive pipeline infrastructure. It recommends a multi-level governance approach where cluster authorities handle local planning and implementation, while national and EU bodies provide high-level coordination, regulatory frameworks, and the bulk of the financing for the transition to net-zero by 2050.

The guide outlines a structured process for building a national landscape of climate finance, moving from scoping and definition to data collection and final analysis. It emphasizes the importance of stakeholder engagement, the use of taxonomies to categorize climate-beneficial versus harmful flows, and the application of tools like Sankey diagrams to visualize financial flows from source to end-use. The document draws on Climate Policy Initiative's (CPI) experience in countries such as India, Indonesia, and France to provide practical examples of tracking both public and private climate finance.

In 2020, renewables became the EU's primary electricity source for the first time, generating 38% of electricity. While wind and solar growth remained robust despite the pandemic, the report argues that deployment must nearly triple to meet 2030 Green Deal targets. Coal generation fell by 20% in 2020, though this decline was partially offset by increased gas generation and a record 10% drop in nuclear output. Consequently, Europe's electricity carbon intensity fell to 226 grams of CO2 per kilowatt-hour in 2020, a 29% reduction since 2015.

The report provides a comprehensive overview of European CO2 storage capacity, highlighting the North Sea Basin and the Norwegian shelf as the most prospective areas. It details storage potentials in saline aquifers, hydrocarbon fields, and storage reservoirs across various European regions, while also mapping stationary emission sources, noting that power generation is the dominant emitting sector.

The report examines the role of the advertising and PR industry in supporting fossil fuel companies, arguing that these agencies facilitate greenwashing and disinformation. It highlights a growing movement of professionals rejecting such work and documents the contradiction between the sustainability pledges of major agency holding companies and their continued representation of high-polluting clients. The document provides a list of 90 agencies working for the fossil fuel industry and presents case studies of misleading campaigns in Australia, the United States, and Europe.

The global GSS+ debt market reached a cumulative volume of USD 2.8 trillion by the end of 2021, with new issuance in 2021 alone surpassing USD 1 trillion. Green bonds remain the largest segment, while sustainability-linked bonds (SLBs) showed the fastest year-on-year growth. The report highlights the dominance of developed markets, particularly Europe, and the emerging role of sovereign issuers and taxonomies in standardising the market.

The briefing expresses concern that ISO/WD 14082, intended to standardize the measurement of non-greenhouse gas climate forcers, may be used to create markets for 'climate coolants'. This would allow entities to offset greenhouse gas emissions by emitting reflective pollutants, potentially delaying decarbonization in sectors like shipping and aviation and undermining international climate accounting methods.

The Green Economy Coalition (GEC) held a five-day global meeting in November 2021 to identify interventions for a green and fair COVID-19 recovery. The event focused on four primary themes: the 'Code Red' status of nature and climate, the role of a new social contract in addressing inequality, the need for a nature-positive economy, and the alignment of recovery packages with the energy transition. Key outcomes include the finalization of a 'Declaration on a Green COVID-19 Recovery' and a strategic decision to prioritize green recovery advocacy leading up to Stockholm+50 in June 2022. The GEC also agreed to restructure its growth around three working groups: policy, funding, and communications.

The report analyzes economic stimulus measures in the Brazilian Legal Amazon during the COVID-19 pandemic, finding that 87.2% of the R$ 54 billion in identified funds had a negative impact on natural capital, primarily due to subsidies for large-scale agribusiness. Only 9.7% of funds were directed toward positive impacts, such as family farming and low-carbon agriculture. The document concludes that the federal government missed an opportunity for a 'green recovery,' leading Amazonian state governors to launch the Green Recovery Plan (PRV) to prioritize deforestation control, sustainable production, green technology, and green infrastructure.

The report analyzes how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing disparities in health, wealth, and power, specifically highlighting 'vaccine apartheid' and the failure of multi-stakeholder governance. It critiques the reliance on private sector solutions for public crises and advocates for transformative policies, including the waiver of intellectual property rights for vaccines, progressive tax reforms, and the strengthening of universal public services to ensure a just recovery.

The document examines the intersection of circular economy practices and international trade as a means to achieve net-zero emissions. It highlights the carbon-reduction potential of shifting from primary to secondary materials, the growth of circular business models like the sharing economy and product longevity, and the need for trade policies to remove barriers to green goods and services. The authors advocate for the use of bilateral and regional trade agreements to establish standards for circularity, noting that current international frameworks like the WTO and the Basel Convention are insufficient.

The document argues that transparency is a prerequisite for public trust and democratic accountability in the digital sphere. It critiques current corporate transparency reports as insufficient, citing evidence that platforms like Facebook often underreport the scale of coordinated inauthentic activity. The report details a shift from 'notice-and-takedown' content regulation toward 'systemic' approaches, such as 'Safety by Design,' which require platforms to mitigate risks through their architecture and algorithms. It provides a detailed analysis of the EU's Digital Services Act (DSA) and the UK's Online Safety Bill (OSB), highlighting their tiered obligations based on platform size and the introduction of independent audits. Finally, it presents five theoretical models of internet governance—Corporate, Autocratic, Libertarian, Machine, and EU/Liberal-Democratic—to illustrate the geopolitical struggle over the future of digital sovereignty and human rights.

The document provides a comprehensive analysis of the shift from content-based 'notice-and-takedown' regulation to systemic 'safety-by-design' approaches. It evaluates the EU's Digital Services Act (DSA) and the UK's Online Safety Bill, emphasizing the need for transparency, data access for researchers, and a balance between state, corporate, and individual power to protect liberal democratic values in the digital sphere.

The report identifies a resilient and multifaceted online ecosystem for Canadian right-wing extremists (RWEs), noting that while mainstream platform enforcement (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) removes some content, new channels quickly emerge. The COVID-19 pandemic acted as a significant driver of activity, with 38.8% of coded messages relating to the pandemic, often focusing on conspiracy theories and anti-government sentiment. Canadian RWEs exhibit a strong internationalist outlook, mentioning the US more than Canada. While overt hate speech is a small proportion of total activity on mainstream sites, fringe platforms like 4chan and Telegram host more explicit racism, neo-Nazi imagery, and accelerationist content, including instructional material for violence. The report recommends government regulation of platforms, algorithmic auditing, and international coordination on RWE designations.

The document analyzes French involvement in the Lebanese Civil War from 1975 to 1982. It argues that France's official policy of neutrality and its slogan of preserving Lebanon's "integrity, sovereignty and unity" were rhetorical masks for a struggle to balance conflicting alliances. France's role shifted from early mediation attempts, such as the Couve de Murville mission, to a tacit acceptance of Syrian intervention in 1976 to prevent a PLO victory. The study details France's participation in UNIFIL and the Multinational Force (MNF), its economic role in reconstruction, and the strain on its relationship with Maronite militias, who felt abandoned by Paris. The analysis concludes that France remained largely powerless to change the war's course, often acting in compliance with United States interests.

The document outlines eight key demands for Crédit Agricole to align its financial activities with the 1.5°C climate goal. These include ending support for coal projects and companies like Glencore and PGE, divesting from Fortum due to pro-coal lobbying, and ceasing all financing for hydrocarbon development, specifically unconventional oil and gas and projects in the Arctic and Mozambique. It also calls for the bank to vote against Total's climate strategy and adopt a zero-deforestation policy for imported soy, particularly concerning the Cerrado region.

The document critiques the French government's request for financial actors to adopt carbon intensity trajectories by March 2022, noting it avoids previous failed demands regarding fossil fuel exits. It specifically analyzes Crédit Agricole's new commitments, arguing that its exclusions for Arctic projects are poorly defined and its 20% portfolio exposure reduction by 2025 is limited because it excludes equity and bond issuances.

The document consists of formal inquiries directed at Natixis regarding its climate and environmental policies. The authors challenge the bank's delayed implementation of coal exclusions, its continued support for fossil fuel expansion, and its involvement in high-risk sectors such as Arctic drilling, shale gas, and Amazonian oil extraction. It specifically calls for the bank to oppose Total's climate strategy and cease financing for projects like EACOP and Tilenga, as well as gas developments in Mozambique. Additionally, it demands a 'zero deforestation' policy for imported soy and a detailed plan to end support for oil drilling in the Amazon.