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ClientEarth argues that CSOs in the EU, particularly those focused on environment and climate, face a deteriorating environment characterized by shrinking civic space, legal harassment (SLAPPs), and financial insecurity. The document criticizes the European Commission for restricting public access to documents and prioritizing corporate interests in 'strategic dialogues' over civil society. It calls for a binding framework for civil dialogue, systemic consultation at all legislative stages, and increased funding for protection mechanisms like the Aarhus Rapid Response Mechanism. Specific national examples of repression are cited in Poland, France, Italy, Germany, and Hungary, while Finland and Denmark are noted for positive engagement models.

The Francophone court of first instance in Brussels ruled that the Belgian federal government and the regional governments of Wallonia, Brussels, and Flanders breached their duty of care under the Belgian Civil Code and violated Articles 2 and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The court found this breach was based on ineffective climate governance, mixed results in emission reductions, and ignored warnings from the European Union. However, the court rejected the plaintiffs' request to set specific binding emission targets, citing the principle of separation of powers. The case is currently pending following an appeal filed on 17 November 2021.

The report argues that while the EU aims to triple data centre capacity within five to seven years, grid congestion in traditional hubs like Dublin, Frankfurt, and Amsterdam is creating a primary barrier to growth. This is shifting investment toward markets with better grid preparedness, such as the Nordics and Belgium. Data centres are identified as unique grid challenges due to their large, localised, and continuous loads. Despite their economic benefits—including GDP growth and job creation—forecasts suggest the EU will likely only double its capacity by 2030, falling short of its target.

The document examines the necessity of a Europe-wide CO2 transport network, estimating a need for 15,000 to 19,000 km of infrastructure by 2050 to move 250 million tonnes of CO2 annually. It highlights the risk of 'natural monopolies' in pipeline transport and advocates for a shift from negotiated third-party access to a regulated access regime to prevent excessive tariffs. The brief proposes inter-temporal cost allocation mechanisms, such as Germany's 'amortisation account', to solve the 'first mover disadvantage' where early users bear disproportionate costs for oversized infrastructure. It also addresses 'cross-chain' financial risks and the need for standardised CO2 purity specifications to ensure network interoperability and safety.

The report outlines the necessity of a Europe-wide CO2 transport network, estimating a need for 15,000 to 19,000 km of infrastructure by 2050 to move 250 million tonnes of CO2 annually. It argues that because CO2 networks often function as 'natural monopolies', EU-level regulation is required to prevent monopoly pricing and ensure non-discriminatory third-party access. The document recommends inter-temporal cost allocation mechanisms—similar to those used for hydrogen—to avoid 'first mover disadvantage' where early users bear disproportionate costs for oversized infrastructure. It also addresses 'cross-chain' financial risks and the need for harmonised CO2 purity standards to ensure network interoperability and safety.

Vlaams Belang (VB) has evolved from a marginalised, racist movement into a major political force in Flanders. Despite being largely excluded from government by a 'cordon sanitaire', VB has successfully shifted the political discourse on immigration and crime, influencing other parties to adopt more right-wing stances. Recent breakthroughs in municipal elections, including an absolute majority in Ninove and a coalition in Ranst, signal a potential erosion of the political isolation that has historically defined the party's relationship with the Belgian state.

The author analyzes the ascent of far-right populism in Europe and globally, attributing its success to the exploitation of economic insecurities and the use of 'culture wars' to fuel cultural panic. The text highlights how mainstream parties have assimilated far-right stances, particularly on immigration and climate policy. It positions political ecology as a radical alternative and argues that the most effective way to confront the far right is to mobilize majorities around a desired progressive world rather than centering the narratives of the right.

Carbon Market Watch warns that heavy industry is projected to consume 60-80% of Flanders' EU ETS revenues between 2024 and 2030 through indirect cost compensation subsidies. The author argues these subsidies support the status quo and lack environmental safeguards, noting that a 2021 Deloitte report found no expected impact on employment or relocation if such subsidies were reduced. The document proposes capping industrial funding at 30% of ETS revenue to protect funds for transport and housing transitions.

The document argues that treating wood burning as renewable energy has led to forest degradation, high CO2 emissions, and public health risks. It outlines the legal requirements of RED III and urges Member States to use their discretion to phase out biomass subsidies, implement the cascading principle, and adopt stricter sustainability criteria to protect European forests and the climate.

The document outlines legal and administrative pathways for Renewable Energy Communities (RECs) and Citizen Energy Communities (CECs) to challenge Member State failures in implementing EU directives. It details EU-level options, such as infringement complaints to the European Commission and petitions to the European Parliament, alongside national remedies including ombudspersons, regulatory authority complaints, and court actions based on principles like direct effect and state liability. The guide also provides a preliminary analysis of which specific provisions of RED II and IEMD may have direct effect and examines transposition challenges in Hungary, France, and Belgium.

ClientEarth argues that the revised State aid Guidelines and ABER for agriculture and forestry must be fully integrated with the EU Green Deal, the polluter pays principle, and the precautionary principle to avoid compromising environmental protection. The organization recommends strengthening compliance with Union environmental law, refining definitions for carbon farming and forests to prevent biodiversity loss, and increasing transparency in how aid is reported and monitored. Specific concerns are raised regarding aid for irrigation, which may cause a 'rebound effect' increasing water consumption, and the use of forest biomass for energy, which ClientEarth argues should be strictly limited to residues and follow the cascading principle. The document also suggests that aid for climate-related disaster recovery should be conditional on implementing adaptation measures to minimize future losses.

The document examines five major industrial clusters in Belgium and the Netherlands, highlighting their economic significance and high greenhouse gas emissions. It argues that because each cluster's governance and industrial makeup differ, 'tailor-made policy' is required rather than generic instruments. The brief identifies the Antwerp-Rotterdam-Rhine-Ruhr Area (ARRRA) as a critical meta-cluster connected by extensive pipeline infrastructure. It recommends a multi-level governance approach where cluster authorities handle local planning and implementation, while national and EU bodies provide high-level coordination, regulatory frameworks, and the bulk of the financing for the transition to net-zero by 2050.

The report investigates how transitioning to a closed-loop economy affects employment, concluding that circular economy proxy measures are generally more labour-intensive than fossil-fuel-related jobs and can decouple economic activity from greenhouse gas emissions.

The report investigates the potential for a new on-tax financing model (EuroPACE) to drive deep energy efficiency retrofits in European residential buildings. It identifies significant market failures, such as long payback periods and knowledge gaps, that hinder private investment. Through analysis of four target countries and three successful case studies (Energiesprong, Oktave, and KfW), the document highlights that success depends on low-cost, long-term financing and the ability to aggregate demand. It projects a total lending potential for EuroPACE of nearly €4bn over ten years across the four primary countries, provided that penetration and renovation rates increase.

Following the May 26 2019 elections, Belgium's Green parties saw divergent results: Ecolo grew in Wallonia and Brussels, while Groen's performance in Flanders was viewed as disappointing. The author attributes some of this to 'climate reassurers'—right-wing parties like NVA and Vlaams Belang that downplay the urgency of climate action to maintain neoliberal economic models. The document explores two future strategies for the Greens: focusing on local governance in cities to demonstrate success or joining federal and regional governments despite the risk of compromising their radical climate agenda.

The report analyzes the legal landscape for RES prosumers and renewable energy communities (REComs) in the EU and nine Member States: Belgium/Flanders, Croatia, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. It finds a significant gap between recent EU-level efforts to promote active citizen participation—such as the RED II and the draft recast Electricity Directive—and the diverse, often restrictive, national laws. While some countries like Germany and France have more advanced frameworks, others like Portugal and Belgium/Flanders face substantial regulatory barriers, including the lack of legal definitions for energy communities and restrictions on peer-to-peer energy sharing. The report concludes that EU legislation is likely to drive national policy changes toward more progressive, citizen-centered energy models.

The document identifies buildings as contributing almost one-third of global emissions and proposes three primary actions for regional governments: implementing net-zero building codes for new constructions, requiring energy efficiency upgrades for existing buildings, and establishing energy efficiency resource standards (EERS) for utilities.

Sustainalytics conducted a pre-issuance verification of KBC Group's green bond between April and May 2018. The verification confirms that the bond's intended use of proceeds—financing onshore and offshore wind, onshore solar, and energy-efficient residential mortgages—aligns with the Climate Bonds Standard Version 2.1. The report details specific projects in Flanders, Wallonia, and the North Sea, and confirms KBC's internal processes for tracking proceeds and reporting.

The document explores the 'cascading' principle, which suggests natural resources should be used for their most valuable purposes for as long as possible before energy recovery. It analyzes the tension in the EU between the bioenergy sector, the forest industry, and environmental NGOs, while critiquing historical 'designated eligibility' approaches to implementation.

The "Liczy się każdy głos" project in Flanders sought to bridge the gap between marginalized citizens and politicians. By conducting interviews with over 8,000 people, the project created a memorandum on social issues and organized political debates in 13 cities to ensure that the needs of the socio-economically disadvantaged were represented in the public discourse.