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The Francophone court of first instance in Brussels ruled that the Belgian federal government and the regional governments of Wallonia, Brussels, and Flanders breached their duty of care under the Belgian Civil Code and violated Articles 2 and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The court found this breach was based on ineffective climate governance, mixed results in emission reductions, and ignored warnings from the European Union. However, the court rejected the plaintiffs' request to set specific binding emission targets, citing the principle of separation of powers. The case is currently pending following an appeal filed on 17 November 2021.

The document examines the necessity of a Europe-wide CO2 transport network, estimating a need for 15,000 to 19,000 km of infrastructure by 2050 to move 250 million tonnes of CO2 annually. It highlights the risk of 'natural monopolies' in pipeline transport and advocates for a shift from negotiated third-party access to a regulated access regime to prevent excessive tariffs. The brief proposes inter-temporal cost allocation mechanisms, such as Germany's 'amortisation account', to solve the 'first mover disadvantage' where early users bear disproportionate costs for oversized infrastructure. It also addresses 'cross-chain' financial risks and the need for standardised CO2 purity specifications to ensure network interoperability and safety.

The report outlines the necessity of a Europe-wide CO2 transport network, estimating a need for 15,000 to 19,000 km of infrastructure by 2050 to move 250 million tonnes of CO2 annually. It argues that because CO2 networks often function as 'natural monopolies', EU-level regulation is required to prevent monopoly pricing and ensure non-discriminatory third-party access. The document recommends inter-temporal cost allocation mechanisms—similar to those used for hydrogen—to avoid 'first mover disadvantage' where early users bear disproportionate costs for oversized infrastructure. It also addresses 'cross-chain' financial risks and the need for harmonised CO2 purity standards to ensure network interoperability and safety.

In Belgium, Green parties in government are addressing a social crisis driven by soaring electricity and gas prices through a three-pronged approach: emergency support for vulnerable households and companies, structural income protections, and investments in the energy transition. Key measures include a 'social rate' price cap for the lowest 20% of the population, a ban on energy disconnections, and the use of windfall taxes on energy companies to fund offshore wind developments and building renovations. The strategy aims to reduce dependence on Russian gas and achieve carbon neutrality while ensuring social justice and the 'power to live with dignity'.

The document outlines legal and administrative pathways for Renewable Energy Communities (RECs) and Citizen Energy Communities (CECs) to challenge Member State failures in implementing EU directives. It details EU-level options, such as infringement complaints to the European Commission and petitions to the European Parliament, alongside national remedies including ombudspersons, regulatory authority complaints, and court actions based on principles like direct effect and state liability. The guide also provides a preliminary analysis of which specific provisions of RED II and IEMD may have direct effect and examines transposition challenges in Hungary, France, and Belgium.

The report analyzes COP26 outcomes, noting that while some progress was made in referencing human rights within Article 6 rules and the CTCN Advisory Board, overall results were marred by exclusionary participation modalities and a failure to effectively confront the fossil fuel industry. It highlights significant gaps in loss and damage finance, the removal of human rights language from the Action for Climate Empowerment (ACE) work program, and superficial progress on gender-responsive climate action. The document concludes by outlining critical 2022 milestones, including the first Global Stocktake and the revision of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), as key opportunities to embed human rights and climate justice.

The July 2021 floods in Western Europe were driven by extreme rainfall from the low-pressure system 'Bernd', compounded by pre-existing wet soil conditions. While attribution for small catchments like the Ahr and Erft is challenging due to high natural variability, a broader 'Pooling Region' analysis indicates that climate change increased the intensity of maximum 1-day rainfall by 3-19% and its likelihood by a factor of 1.2 to 9 compared to a climate 1.2 °C cooler. Future projections suggest further increases in intensity and frequency in a 2 °C warmer climate.

The report investigates the potential for a new on-tax financing model (EuroPACE) to drive deep energy efficiency retrofits in European residential buildings. It identifies significant market failures, such as long payback periods and knowledge gaps, that hinder private investment. Through analysis of four target countries and three successful case studies (Energiesprong, Oktave, and KfW), the document highlights that success depends on low-cost, long-term financing and the ability to aggregate demand. It projects a total lending potential for EuroPACE of nearly €4bn over ten years across the four primary countries, provided that penetration and renovation rates increase.

The document assesses the progress of transposing the RED II and Electricity Directives in Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Spain as of September 2020. It finds that while most countries have focused on legal definitions, they have largely neglected the 'enabling framework' and the mandatory assessment of barriers and potentials required by EU law. The brief argues that simple 'copy-paste' transposition of EU definitions is insufficient and recommends a holistic approach that includes public consultation, political engagement, and specific support for vulnerable households and local authorities to ensure the success of energy communities.

Following the May 26 2019 elections, Belgium's Green parties saw divergent results: Ecolo grew in Wallonia and Brussels, while Groen's performance in Flanders was viewed as disappointing. The author attributes some of this to 'climate reassurers'—right-wing parties like NVA and Vlaams Belang that downplay the urgency of climate action to maintain neoliberal economic models. The document explores two future strategies for the Greens: focusing on local governance in cities to demonstrate success or joining federal and regional governments despite the risk of compromising their radical climate agenda.

The document advocates for the European Union to lead the 'Mission 2020' initiative, which aims to bend the global emissions curve by 2020 to stay within the 2-degree Celsius limit of the Paris Agreement. It argues that the EU can use its existing institutional frameworks, specifically regional cohesion and structural funds, to support a just transition toward low-carbon economies. The text emphasizes a shift from centralized energy production to decentralized, community-based renewable energy systems to empower local actors and counteract populist movements. It cites historical industrial transitions in regions like the Ruhr Area as evidence that such structural changes can be managed. Additionally, it highlights the role of bottom-up movements, such as the Transition Town Movement and the fossil fuel divestment movement, in driving decarbonization.

Sustainalytics conducted a pre-issuance verification of KBC Group's green bond between April and May 2018. The verification confirms that the bond's intended use of proceeds—financing onshore and offshore wind, onshore solar, and energy-efficient residential mortgages—aligns with the Climate Bonds Standard Version 2.1. The report details specific projects in Flanders, Wallonia, and the North Sea, and confirms KBC's internal processes for tracking proceeds and reporting.

The briefing proposes the creation of 'America’s Climate Fund,' a nonfederal initiative to mobilize climate finance for low-income and vulnerable nations. While not intended to replace federal obligations or fill the $2 billion gap in Green Climate Fund promises, the fund would signal continued U.S. commitment to the Paris Agreement. The proposal suggests housing the fund in a nonprofit to ensure tax deductibility and political stability, with contributions coming from corporations, philanthropies, and crowdfunding. Disbursal options include direct contributions to multilateral funds like the Adaptation Fund and the Green Climate Fund, or co-financing specific low-carbon and climate-resilient projects.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) expresses support for the opposition to the provisional application of CETA, asserting that the agreement's Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) chapter imposes burdens on EU regulators that could slow environmental lawmaking and expose the EU to legal challenges from Canada. CIEL specifically highlights risks to the REACH regulation, noting Canada's history of challenging the EU's precautionary, hazard-based approach to dangerous substances.

Benoît Lechat discusses the need to broaden the social appeal of ecological policies in Europe, critiquing the 'liberal-productivism' that dominates the EU and the 'ascetic' or 'expertocratic' image of Green parties. He analyzes the electoral stabilization of Green parties following the May 2014 European elections, noting gains in Sweden and Austria but declines in France and Belgium. Using the theories of Etienne Balibar, Alain Lipietz, and Ulrich Beck, Lechat argues that climate change must be treated as a strict social issue rather than a niche environmental one. He specifically reflects on the decline of the Belgian party Ecolo, attributing its loss of voters to problematic coalitions with the PS, mismanagement of photovoltaic green certificates, and resistance to wind energy development in Wallonia.

The text advocates for a shift in ecologist political strategy toward 'social innovation' rather than just technological innovation, positioning civil society as the primary engine for social change. It suggests that green foundations should maintain a 'benevolent distance' from political parties—long enough to allow independent reflection and dialogue with citizens, but short enough to influence party roadmaps. Using the Etopia foundation in French-speaking Belgium as an example, the author highlights initiatives such as 'Sustainable Citizen Neighborhoods' in Brussels, the implementation of synthetic indicators to complement GDP in Wallonia, and the promotion of 'prosperity without growth' to challenge the traditional growth-centric political paradigm.

The author contends that the current European crisis cannot be solved with less federalism, but rather through a renewed federalist pact that balances autonomy, cooperation, and solidarity. Using Belgium as a model, the text proposes the creation of federal districts for elections to foster a common vision and the implementation of a common industrial policy and the IRENE project to strengthen EU climate policy.

The author criticizes the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) as an unequal and unsustainable system that prioritizes industrial production over environmental health and small-scale farming. The text advocates for a shift toward 'sustainable food systems'—defined as those guaranteeing food sovereignty and internalizing environmental costs—and highlights the role of the Greens in Belgium in promoting short supply chains, urban agriculture, and the relocalisation of food production to protect rural social fabrics.

The document advocates for a 'cultural and social revolution' in food systems to replace the industrial agro-industry, which it links to environmental degradation and public health crises. It critiques the EU's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) for favoring large-scale production over small farmers and biodiversity. Through various regional case studies—including France's 'malbouffe' crisis, land-grabbing in Hungary, and organic farming in Spain—it promotes short supply chains, agro-ecology, and the reconnection of consumers with producers. It also highlights specific Green political initiatives in Belgium and Germany aimed at promoting organic and GMO-free agriculture.

The document examines the critical role of regional governments in implementing climate change mitigation and adaptation policies, noting that while national governments negotiate international targets, regions often hold the actual competencies for execution. It analyzes 23 regions, highlighting a variety of instruments such as carbon taxes, subsidies, and cap-and-trade systems. A detailed case study of the Basque Country's 'Basque Plan to Combat Climate Change 2008-2012' illustrates how a small, industrialised region can set specific targets for GHG emissions and carbon sinks while coordinating across multiple policy sectors.