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The author examines the "end of development" narrative—the idea that income gaps between developed and developing nations may never close—and its implications for Africa. The text highlights a decline in traditional aid from the UK, EU, and Canada, alongside a drop in Chinese infrastructure loans. It identifies critical gaps in infrastructure ($68-$108 billion annually) and climate adaptation ($453 billion this decade). To counter this, the author urges the African Union to reduce aid dependency, prioritize the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and improve the bankability of projects to attract investment rather than relying on dwindling global generosity.

The statement by Friends of the Earth International criticizes the proposed EU-Mercosur trade agreement, highlighting its potential to accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in both Europe and Latin America. It calls for a shift toward a people-centered trade model that prioritizes social rights and environmental sustainability over corporate profit, especially in light of the rise of climate-denying leadership in Argentina.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the EU-Mercosur trade agreement, asserting that it would accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in Europe and Latin America. The statement highlights protests from European farmers and social movements in Latin America, and warns that the current administration in Argentina, led by climate-denier Javier Milei, further invalidates the agreement's sustainability claims. It calls for a shift in international trade policy toward a model centered on people's sovereignty, food security, and environmental protection.

Reclaim Finance criticizes the French government for attempting to sabotage the European Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) by demanding that the employee threshold for company applicability be raised from 500 to 5,000. This move would exempt approximately 14,000 companies from the directive's requirements to prevent human rights violations and environmental pollution in their value chains.

Reclaim Finance accuses the French government of attempting to undermine the European Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive. The organization claims that France, via Bruno Le Maire, is demanding the company size threshold be raised from 500 employees to 5,000 employees, which would exempt approximately 14,000 companies from the requirement to prevent human rights violations and environmental pollution in their value chains.

The briefing examines the role of carbon capture and storage (CCS), noting that the majority of the world's 41 operational projects are linked to the oil and gas industry, specifically for enhanced oil recovery (EOR). It highlights a history of 'unmet expectations' and slow deployment, with capture rates often falling short of targets. While CCS is proposed for hard-to-abate sectors like cement and steel, the document argues it is often less cost-effective than electrification or energy efficiency. It further details how CCS projects in Norway, Canada, and Australia have been used to maintain the financial viability of fossil fuel extraction.

The statement warns that a December agreement on the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive is at risk due to lobbying and potential abstention by Germany during the Council of the European Union vote. While the authors view the text as a major step for regulating multinationals, they criticize the exclusion of financial services from its scope and call for the French government to ensure its adoption to protect human rights and the environment.

NGOs warn that the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive is at risk of being blocked in the European Council due to pressure from corporate lobby groups and internal divisions within the German government. While the authors argue the directive is a necessary step for regulating multinationals, they criticize the exclusion of financial services from its scope.

Reclaim Finance criticizes Engie for paying record dividends of 4.1 billion euros in 2023 while continuing to expand its fossil gas infrastructure, including LNG imports and new power plants in the Netherlands, Belgium, and Chile.

The guide outlines how to detect greenwashing by analyzing emissions data, target setting, and the use of controversial technologies. It emphasizes the importance of absolute emissions over intensity targets and warns against the over-reliance on carbon offsets, natural gas, and unproven carbon removal technologies.

Carbon Market Watch criticizes the EU's Carbon Removal Certification Framework (CRCF) provisional deal, claiming it allows carbon removals and temporary storage to substitute for actual emission reductions. The organization warns that the framework enables double counting between voluntary markets and national climate policies, incentivizes short-term carbon storage that lacks long-term climate benefit, and employs insufficient sustainability criteria for biomass. While noting some positive inclusions like mandatory biodiversity co-benefits for carbon farming, CMW asserts the CRCF is a 'missed opportunity' that could deter climate action and calls for the deal to be rejected and rebooted.

The EU Industrial Carbon Management Strategy aims to scale up CO2 capture, utilisation, and storage to meet 2040 climate targets, specifically targeting an annual injection capacity of at least 250 million tonnes in the European Economic Area by 2040. To achieve this, the Commission plans to address current imbalances in storage—which is currently concentrated in the North Sea—by establishing transparent permitting processes by 2025 and creating an investment atlas of potential storage sites. The strategy also envisions a vast transport network, potentially reaching 19,000 km by 2040, and proposes a regulatory package for CO2 transport and a demand aggregation platform by 2026. Financial mechanisms discussed include the Innovation Fund, Connecting Europe Facility, and a possible Important Project of Common European Interest for transport and storage. Additionally, the strategy emphasizes industrial carbon removals (such as BECCS and DACCS) to help reach a target of removing 400 million tonnes of CO2 per year by 2040.

The document argues that while COP28 increased ambition through technology inclusivity and pledges to scale renewables and nuclear energy, the transition now depends on effective financing and planning amidst significant geopolitical instability. It highlights that 2024 is a critical year due to widespread democratic elections and rising trade protectionism, which may prioritize domestic security over climate action. Looking toward COP29 in Baku, the authors expect a focus on the new collective quantified goal on climate finance (NCQG), the phase-out of inefficient fossil fuel subsidies, and the need for more realistic macroeconomic modeling to address a global climate financing gap estimated between $4.5 to $10 trillion per year. The text suggests that because multilateral consensus is increasingly difficult, progress will likely shift toward regional climate weeks and bi- or trilateral partnerships.

The document outlines the transition from traditional first-order decay (FOD) models to advanced monitoring technologies, including handheld analyzers, drones, and remote sensing via aircraft and satellites, to better quantify waste-sector methane emissions. It highlights that up to 80% of these emissions can be eliminated with existing technology, often at low or negative costs. The guide also details international efforts such as the Global Methane Pledge and the LOW-Methane Initiative to drive mitigation and investment.

The document contends that the Czech Republic's climate policy is stalled by a 'mantra of productivism' and the dominance of fossil fuel and nuclear oligarchs who control significant media outlets. The author highlights a disconnect between the country's high per capita emissions and its political inaction, noting that progress is primarily driven by European Union pressure. The text criticizes the current government's focus on monumental infrastructure and nuclear energy over community energy and decarbonization. It calls for a new, pluralistic movement to dismantle the power of corporate interests and establish a green, social, and participatory democracy, drawing a parallel to the 1989 Velvet Revolution.

The policy brief examines how Low-Carbon Fuel Standards (LCFS) can complement federal hydrogen investments by directing clean hydrogen toward high-priority sectors. It analyzes existing programs in California, Oregon, and Washington, providing four lessons for other states: regulating intrastate aviation fuel to move beyond biogenic feedstocks, phasing in maritime fuel regulation, managing biogenic feedstock demand to prevent indirect land use change, and implementing rigorous emissions accounting to avoid loopholes for blue and grey hydrogen.

The document argues that next-generation geothermal technologies, particularly superhot rock (SHR) energy, could provide cost-competitive 24/7 renewable electricity but are currently hindered by permitting bottlenecks, high capital costs, and research silos. It recommends expanding permitting capacity at the Department of the Interior, providing targeted financial incentives, establishing a public-private research agenda for 400°C+ conditions, and creating a new superhot field testing site to complement the existing FORGE site in Utah. Additionally, it calls for a dedicated program area within the Geothermal Technologies Office (GTO) to focus on high-temperature innovation and the improvement of shared data resources like the Geothermal Data Repository.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) argues that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is indispensable for Austria to achieve climate neutrality by 2050, particularly for hard-to-abate sectors like cement, lime, and steel. The document recommends that Austria set specific deployment targets, remove legal barriers to geological CO2 storage, and develop a strategic plan for operationalising storage sites by 2035. To address the 'chicken and egg' problem of infrastructure investment, CATF suggests 'oversizing' transport networks and establishing an aggregation platform to match CO2 sources with sinks. Financially, the document proposes the use of carbon contracts for difference (CCfDs) to bridge the gap between EU ETS prices and decarbonisation costs, while advocating for long-term market demand through near-zero carbon product standards. Finally, it emphasizes the need for proactive public engagement and inclusive stakeholder dialogues to build political and social support for CCS.

In 2023, the EU electricity sector saw a record 19% decline in power sector emissions and a 3.4% year-on-year drop in electricity demand. Clean sources now account for two-thirds of the EU power mix, while fossil fuels have decreased to one-third of generation, down from over half in 2000.

In 2023, EU fossil fuel generation fell to less than a third of the electricity mix (33%) for the first time, driven by a record 26% drop in coal generation. Wind and solar combined for 27% of EU electricity, with wind surpassing gas power for the first time. While solar capacity grew by 56 GW, wind generation growth remains inconsistent and below the 15% annual increase needed for REPowerEU targets. EU electricity demand fell by 3.4% in 2023 to its lowest level since 2001, though a rise of 2-3% is projected for 2024. To support this transition, the EU requires significant grid investments—estimated at €584 billion by 2030—and an increase in storage capacity to 200 GW by 2030 to manage variable renewable energy and reduce curtailment.