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The document argues that exporting pesticides banned in their country of origin to Africa and Central America violates the Bamako Convention, the Central American Agreement, and the Basel Convention, as these substances are defined as hazardous waste by the importing nations. It asserts that European states and other Basel Convention parties (such as Canada, China, and Russia) are failing their international legal and human rights obligations by allowing this trade, which harms health and ecosystems in low- and middle-income countries.

The document argues that the increasing use of manufactured nanomaterials (MNMs) in consumer, industrial, and medical products is leading to their proliferation in waste streams, posing risks to human health and the environment that are not yet fully understood. Signatories demand that governments and companies implement extended producer responsibility, restrict the transboundary movement of MNM waste, and establish a public registry of nano-products in Europe to ensure transparency. The statement also advocates for the development of safe recycling technologies and the integration of waste prevention into publicly funded nanotechnology research to support a safe circular economy.

The Declaration on Waste Containing Nanomaterials argues that the increasing presence of manufactured nanomaterials (MNMs) in waste streams poses risks to human health and the environment due to uncertainties regarding their toxicity. The signatories call for the implementation of full producer responsibility, the restriction of transboundary waste movements, and the creation of an EU-wide public nano-product registry to ensure transparent quantification of waste flows. They further advocate for innovation in waste prevention, the development of safe recycling and disposal technologies, and the establishment of verifiable end-of-waste criteria to support a circular economy without introducing new environmental risks.

The report argues that pesticides banned in their country of manufacture are classified as 'hazardous wastes' under the Bamako Convention and the Central American Agreement. Because many importing nations in Africa and Central America have monist legal systems or specific domestic laws incorporating these definitions, the report concludes that exporting such substances from Basel Convention parties (including the EU, UK, and Switzerland) violates the Basel Convention, international customary law, and the extraterritorial human rights obligation to protect the right to health.

The document argues that the LAPSSET project violates Kenyan constitutional and international legal obligations. It highlights failures in meaningful participation and access to information, which infringe upon the right to development. The amici assert that the project risks causing environmental degradation that would violate rights to adequate housing, water, food, and health. Furthermore, it claims the project would lead to unlawful forced evictions and harm the rights of the Lamu people as indigenous/tribal peoples. Finally, it argues that the project threatens the cultural and natural heritage of Lamu Old Town, a UNESCO World Heritage site.

The Global Climate and Health Alliance and various health leaders argue that a rapid phase-out of fossil fuels is essential to prevent overwhelming health consequences and to achieve the 1.5°C target of the Paris Agreement. They highlight that air pollution from fossil fuels causes 7 million premature deaths annually and cost the global economy over US$8.1 trillion in 2019. The letter calls for a just energy transition that prioritizes marginalized communities, the redirection of fossil fuel subsidies toward clean energy, and the exclusion of fossil fuel industry lobbyists from climate negotiations.

The report argues that climate change and armed conflict act as mutually reinforcing drivers of harm, creating a polycrisis that disproportionately affects vulnerable populations. It highlights how climate change serves as a 'threat multiplier' by exacerbating resource scarcity and instability, while military activities contribute significantly to global greenhouse gas emissions and environmental degradation. The document emphasizes the resulting collapse of health systems and the emergence of infectious diseases in conflict zones. It calls for integrated climate, health, and peacebuilding strategies, including a transition to renewable energy and greater military accountability for emissions, to break this cycle of harm.

The document examines how carbon pricing affects different household income levels across developed and developing countries. It argues that while carbon pricing can be regressive—disproportionately impacting low-income households who spend more of their income on energy—these effects can be neutralized or turned into net benefits through strategic revenue recycling, such as lump-sum rebates or targeted subsidies. The briefing highlights that in very low-income countries, carbon pricing can actually be progressive due to limited fossil fuel access among the poorest. It provides case studies from the EU ETS, the US Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI), South Africa, and Iran to illustrate various implementation and mitigation strategies.

The 'Just Transition Compass' provides a strategic framework to move just transition concepts from high-level dialogue to scalable implementation. It identifies four core elements of a just transition: addressing existing injustices, aligning structural changes with Paris Agreement goals, ensuring meaningful stakeholder participation, and fair distribution of costs and benefits. The document argues that national transitions cannot succeed without international cooperation and proposes the creation of a permanent Just Transition coordination body within the UNFCCC to reduce fragmentation, align financial flows, and share best practices across sectors beyond energy, such as agriculture and transport.

The Mitigation Work Programme (MWP), established at COP27 to scale up actions for the 1.5°C goal, operates as a non-punitive and non-prescriptive framework respecting national sovereignty. Recent SB62 outcomes show agreement on the MWP's role in facilitating dialogue, but highlight significant disagreements regarding the integration of Global Stocktake outcomes, links to NDCs, and the utility of a proposed digital platform. Party positions vary: the EU, Switzerland, and Australia advocate for a fossil fuel phase-out roadmap; the Africa Group and Arab States oppose mandate expansion; and AOSIS emphasizes urgent alignment with the 1.5°C goal. An informal note will guide discussions toward COP30, with a specific focus on waste sector mitigation and circular economy approaches during a global dialogue event in Addis Ababa on September 5th-6th, 2025.

The document highlights a severe shortfall in adaptation finance for Africa, where annual flows of USD 11.4 billion (2019-2020) fall far short of an estimated need of at least USD 52.7 billion. It warns that missing these investments could result in USD 6 trillion in foregone economic benefits by 2035. The brief notes that 53% of adaptation finance to Africa is debt-based, increasing the burden on vulnerable nations. It also identifies significant data gaps in tracking and a lack of ambitious, specific adaptation targets among public financial institutions, calling for a 'north star' goal for adaptation to mobilize private and public capital.

The document outlines how grants function as direct fund transfers to support climate projects with low commercial potential, acting as a tool to de-risk investments and build institutional capacity. It categorizes grants into development, technical assistance, and project preparation facilities, and identifies key providers ranging from philanthropic foundations and multilateral development banks to vertical climate funds like the Green Climate Fund. The guide details the capacity requirements for recipients, the pathways for financial market readiness across shallow, emerging, and mature markets, and the specific challenges—such as complex reporting and donor fragmentation—that hinder effective uptake.

The report finds that global financial commitments for energy access are insufficient, with electricity funding reaching only about half of the required USD 52 billion annually and clean cooking funding remaining abysmal. While electricity finance increased to USD 30.2 billion per year in 20 high-impact countries, it is heavily concentrated in Asia, particularly India, while Sub-Saharan Africa has seen declines. Investment is skewed toward grid-connected technologies, including a doubling of coal plant financing, while off-grid solutions receive only 1.3% of total funds. Clean cooking finance dropped 5% to USD 30 million per year, far below the USD 4.4 billion needed. Case studies highlight India's success in mobilizing private finance for renewables and Indonesia's use of government subsidies to scale LPG adoption.

Carbon Market Watch argues for stringent rules to prevent double counting, 'hot air' credits, and the inclusion of REDD-plus in carbon markets. It advocates for a 'net atmospheric benefit' through discounting, the establishment of a share of proceeds for adaptation and loss and damage, and the integration of a human rights-based approach into the core agreement to protect vulnerable populations.

The report contends that carbon offsets in agriculture fail to reduce absolute emissions due to measurement uncertainties, lack of permanence, and issues with additionality. It highlights how these schemes often benefit agribusinesses while undermining food security, increasing land financialization, and locking in industrial farming models. The authors recommend excluding the land sector from international carbon markets under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement and redirecting finance toward agroecological practices.

The document reports that there are 144 NAMAs, with the majority (137) still under development. Latin America has the highest concentration of these activities (41%), and the energy supply sector is the most represented (39%). Financing remains a significant gap, as 94 NAMAs are seeking funds, while only 10 have received financing and 5 are fully funded.

The document reports that there are 144 NAMAs globally, with 41% located in Latin America and 39% focused on energy supply. It highlights that 60% of NAMA activities are integrated into national policies and strategies. Regarding finance, 94 NAMAs are awaiting funding, while only a small number have received partial or full funding from entities such as the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and the NAMA Facility.

The document reports that there are 144 NAMAs in various stages, with 41% located in Latin America and 39% focused on energy supply. It notes that 60% of NAMA activities are part of national policies and strategies, while financing data remains incomplete, with 94 NAMAs seeking funds.

The document examines the 'hunger-climate-conflict nexus,' where food insecurity acts as a 'threat multiplier' for instability. It argues that while military forces have historically played ad-hoc support roles in humanitarian aid, the increasing frequency of climate-driven food crises necessitates a shift in military training, doctrine, and interagency coordination. The author highlights barriers to this transition, including the risk of 'over-securitisation' and existing institutional silos between defence and development agencies, while specifically noting the implications for the Irish Defence Forces regarding peacekeeping and domestic disaster response.

The report highlights that black carbon emissions are rising in low- and middle-income countries due to a lack of binding international agreements and its exclusion from the UNFCCC list of climate pollutants. It proposes that emissions can be rapidly reduced by 2030 through the deployment of proven technologies and targeted interventions. A primary focus is the transition to clean cooking fuels, noting that 42% of global residential black carbon emissions come from seven specific countries, with the Indo-Gangetic Plains being the largest hotspot. The document emphasizes that government subsidies and favorable policies, such as India's Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana scheme, are essential for the adoption of clean fuels.