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The Hague Code of Conduct (HCoC) is a voluntary, politically binding instrument designed to curb the proliferation of ballistic missiles capable of delivering weapons of mass destruction (WMD) through transparency and confidence-building measures. While 36 African states have subscribed as of August 2016, the document notes that the African Union has not yet made the HCoC a priority. The brief highlights the dual-use nature of missile technology, arguing that the HCoC allows African states to pursue peaceful space-launch activities and socio-economic development while signaling a commitment to global non-proliferation. It specifically examines the limited history of ballistic missile programs in Egypt, Libya, and South Africa, and recommends that the AU encourage further subscriptions and information sharing regarding civilian space activities.

The paper finds that climate actions across examined INDCs align with 154 of the 169 SDG targets, demonstrating significant potential for mutual benefits between climate and development agendas. While global alignment is high, the authors note that few countries explicitly referenced SDGs in their INDCs, often due to separate institutional oversight between environment and development ministries. Case studies of Colombia and Uganda show high goal-level alignment, though target-level alignment varies based on national priorities. The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to maximize resources and avoid implementation silos.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The document assesses the role of South Africa's informal waste sector, which recovers 80-90% of paper and packaging waste, in the context of planned mandatory Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR). It warns that traditional EPR models could marginalize waste pickers by creating competition for recyclables. Based on regional workshops, the note identifies four integration scenarios: maintaining the status quo, providing increased support and monitoring, formalizing pickers into co-operatives and SMEs, or absorbing them as employees in the formal sector. It highlights the significant economic value informal pickers provide to municipalities by diverting waste from landfills, while noting the high failure rate of waste co-operatives.

The paper examines the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) as a catalyst for Ethiopia's transition toward a low-carbon, 'green' economy and its ambition to become a primary electricity exporter in East Africa. It details the dam's technical specifications, its integration into Ethiopia's Growth and Transformation Plans, and the role of regional bodies like the Eastern Africa Power Pool (EAPP) and the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) in facilitating energy trade. The author argues that while the GERD offers a significant opportunity for regional integration, its success depends on overcoming hydro-hegemonic tensions with downstream states, improving trans-boundary environmental assessments, and harmonizing national energy policies across the region.

The document analyzes the shift in Indian foreign policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, moving toward a more proactive and assertive 'geo-economic' approach. It examines how this strategy integrates Africa into India's broader geostrategic space, stretching from the Suez to the Pacific, and evaluates the outcomes of the third India–Africa Forum Summit (IAFS III). The authors argue that while India seeks to enhance its soft power and energy security, the relationship must evolve from a focus on Indian-sourced credit lines to partnerships that support African industrialization and manufacturing.

The document outlines the legacy of Dr. Mostafa Tolba, who led the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) for nearly 20 years. It highlights his role as a bridge between science and policy, his leadership in creating the Montreal Protocol, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), and the Convention on Biodiversity, and his commitment to integrating developing country perspectives into the global environmental agenda.

The report advocates for a paradigm shift in sanitation and wastewater management, moving from a disposal-centric model to a circular economy approach that recovers water, nutrients, and energy. It details the technical, institutional, and financial frameworks necessary to implement sustainable systems that protect human health and the environment while providing economic benefits.

The research paper reviews INDCs submitted to the UNFCCC as of November 20, 2015, to identify the prevalence of fiscal policies such as fossil fuel subsidy reform, clean energy subsidies, and carbon pricing. It finds that 39 INDCs reference these instruments, with a strong trend toward unconditional commitments. The paper highlights the significant potential for greenhouse gas reductions through fossil fuel subsidy reform (FFSR), supported by the GSI-IF model, and recommends that more countries integrate these tools to help meet the two-degree climate threshold.

The paper argues that the legal distinction between migrant smuggling (facilitating illegal movement for profit) and human trafficking (exploitation) is increasingly blurred in practice, as smugglers often transition into traffickers. It contends that restrictive border controls do not stop migration but instead make smuggling the 'new normal,' increasing migrant vulnerability and profitability for criminal networks. The authors highlight that most irregular migrants successfully reach their destinations despite high risks, and that state efforts to 'demonize' smugglers often serve as political cover for the failure of the global asylum regime.

The document evaluates the Green Climate Fund's (GCF) current standing by analyzing its strengths, such as its international credibility and USD 10 billion in pledges, against internal challenges like a lengthy decision-making cycle and a lack of defined portfolio targets. It draws comparative lessons from other climate funds (GEF, AF, CIFs) and global health funds (GAVI, Global Fund), suggesting that a 'vertical programmatic approach' could help mobilize stakeholders around tangible results. Key recommendations include strengthening country ownership through readiness support, standardizing investment criteria to improve comparability, and leveraging the Private Sector Facility to potentially become a leading green bond fund.

The paper argues that ecological, financial, and political systems are under increasing pressure, creating a need to integrate 'hard' security (state-centric) with 'human' security (individual and ecosystem well-being). It identifies commonalities between these fields—such as uncertainty, irreversibilities, and multi-stakeholder complexity—and proposes a three-step methodology: context analysis, participatory scenario building, and options appraisal. Case studies demonstrate how water scarcity in the Nile and Euphrates-Tigris basins, climate-driven geophysical changes in the Arctic, and energy-water dependencies in Central Asia create security risks that require integrated governance and investment strategies.

The report analyzes the energy-irrigation nexus in Haryana, India, where heavily subsidized electricity has led to the over-extraction of groundwater and financial distress for distribution companies (DISCOMs). It quantifies subsidies for wheat, paddy, and sugarcane, finding that electricity subsidies account for approximately 46% of total subsidies. The study recommends spatial targeting of reforms, the adoption of energy-efficient and solar pumps, and a transition toward output-driven subsidy regimes to ensure long-term environmental and economic sustainability.

The research finds a strong theoretical case for the TFTA due to high trade complementarity between Egypt, Kenya, and South Africa, though actual trade is currently limited by significant tariff and non-tariff barriers. While South Africa views the TFTA as a tool for 'developmental regionalism' to reduce poverty through industrialization, secondary powers like Kenya and Egypt may face competition from South African exports in their respective regional markets. The document emphasizes that the success of the TFTA depends on massive upgrades to transregional transport and energy infrastructure, noting that while some progress has been made in port and road corridors, large-scale energy projects in the DRC and Ethiopia face severe financial and technical obstacles.

The paper examines the dynamics of China-Africa economic cooperation, noting a significant increase in Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) from $500 million in 2003 to nearly $15 billion by 2012. While acknowledging the role of Chinese firms in hiring local labour—such as the Chinese National Petroleum Corporation and Chinese National Minerals Corporation—the author highlights a lack of transparency regarding training, health, and environmental standards. The document reviews several academic and scientific initiatives, including the Confucius Institutes and the 20+20 Cooperation Plan, concluding that while these signal a move beyond purely commercial interests, they have often failed to yield tangible results. The author recommends the establishment of a tighter African regulatory framework and an autonomous monitoring mechanism to ensure sustainable and inclusive growth.

The document examines the ACIRC, a proposed rapid deployment instrument for the African Union (AU) initiated by South Africa to address capability gaps in crisis response. It highlights operational hurdles, including political opposition from key member states, funding shortages, and a lack of strategic airlift capacity. The briefing argues that the ACIRC must be integrated into the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and coordinated with the UN to avoid becoming a reactive, short-term tool, while recommending a shift in deployment authority to the AU Peace and Security Council to ensure speed.

The document examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing recent crises in Burkina Faso and Burundi. It argues that the African Union (AU) must move beyond reacting to coups and instead proactively advocate for the entrenchment of term limits to ensure regional security and democratic consolidation.

The African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC) is intended as an interim tool to address gaps in the African Union's security architecture, specifically the lack of a rapid response capability demonstrated during the Mali crisis. However, the project faces significant hurdles, including political disunity—with only 13 countries committed and opposition from major troop contributors like Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Nigeria—and institutional friction with the region-based African Standby Force (ASF). The author argues that the ACIRC was established without sufficient strategic deliberation and recommends a comprehensive consultation process with stakeholders to clarify its mandate and overcome political resentment.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) reports progress on its Readiness and Preparatory Support Programme, which aims to assist developing countries in accessing Fund resources. Between 28 April and 18 June 2015, the total number of nominated national designated authorities (NDAs) or focal points rose to 127, and the total number of readiness requests reached 74. The Secretariat finalized grant agreements totaling US$ 1.9 million for seven countries: Comoros, Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, Federated States of Micronesia, Rwanda, Thailand, and Togo. The programme operates across five activity areas, including NDA strengthening, strategic framework development, accreditation support, project pipeline creation, and information sharing. Capacity-building efforts include regional workshops in El Salvador and South Korea, with future events planned for Fiji and Egypt, as well as headquarters visits for delegations from Mongolia and Fiji. The GCF is also coordinating with partners such as UNDP, UNEP, and the African Development Bank to ensure complementarity in readiness support.