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Global Energy Monitor reports that 216 GW of proposed green hydrogen projects in 11 African countries are primarily designed for export to Europe, despite a lack of established markets, funding, and infrastructure. The analysis highlights a disconnect between these massive, often hypothetical projects and the urgent need for domestic electrification, noting that 61% of prospective utility-scale wind and solar projects in Africa are earmarked for hydrogen. While small-scale distributed solar and wind projects have successfully improved energy access, the large-scale hydrogen push risks creating stranded assets and depleting local water resources without providing significant local economic value.

The report analyzes maritime security in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO), emphasizing that threats like climate change, illegal fishing, and piracy are interconnected. It highlights the risks of increasing militarisation by global powers and the environmental dangers of rerouting shipping around the Cape of Good Hope due to Red Sea instability.

The report examines eight innovative financial instruments—including the Adaptation Benefit Mechanism, biodiversity credits, carbon taxes, carbon trading, credit guarantees, debt-for-nature/climate resilience swaps, pooled investment funds, and sovereign green/sustainability-linked bonds—to bridge the climate finance gap in developing countries. It identifies common barriers such as limited institutional capacity, lack of robust project pipelines, and underdeveloped local capital markets. The document emphasizes that while these instruments can signal a government's commitment to climate action, their success depends on a supportive enabling environment characterized by effective leadership, clear taxonomies, and robust climate data. For least developed countries (LDCs), the report suggests a phased approach, first strengthening basic financial and legal prerequisites before focusing on 'climate investability'. It concludes with specific recommendations for donors and development partners to provide technical assistance, anchor investments, and pilot projects to scale up private sector mobilization.

The document argues that Africa's critical raw materials (CRMs) have triggered a resurgence of transactional deals where external powers provide security or infrastructure in exchange for resource access. It contrasts Russia's use of private military companies, the US's transactional 'peace-brokering' model, and China's 'infrastructure-for-resources' strategy, noting that these arrangements often prioritize foreign strategic gains over African long-term stability and sovereignty.

The document examines the evolving relationship between Tanzania and China, highlighting Tanzania's role as a 'first-mover' in several strategic initiatives. Central to the analysis is the December 2024 establishment of the Tanzania Investment Centre China (Hunan) Investment Cooperation Platform, which is anchored in the 'Hunan Model'—a Chinese strategy to deepen Africa ties through trade exhibitions, industrial clusters, and agricultural 'green lanes'. The author argues that Tanzania's unique position as a founding member of both the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), combined with its historical ties to China, allows it to shape cross-regional economic policy in Africa. The briefing also details other key collaborations, such as the Tazara Railway and the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Leadership School, and provides policy suggestions to ensure the Hunan Model serves African development interests.

The document argues that while Africa possesses immense renewable energy potential, over 600 million people lack electricity, and only 2% of global renewable energy investments in the last two decades have gone to the continent. It identifies critical barriers to private sector engagement, including currency mismatch, regulatory instability, and inadequate grid infrastructure. Using Nigeria as a case study, the report highlights the success of off-grid solar solutions compared to the struggling privatised on-grid sector. It recommends institutionalising predictable policies, expanding innovative finance like green bonds and blended finance, and investing in grid-compatible infrastructure and local technical capacity to accelerate the energy transition.

Turkey is aggressively expanding its presence in Africa's critical minerals sector to support its domestic defence, electric vehicle, and renewable energy industries. While Turkey employs a pragmatic, commercially driven approach—often coupling mining with defence cooperation in volatile regions like the Sahel—the paper argues that aligning Turkish commercial agility with EU financial instruments and ESG standards through the Minerals Security Partnership (MSP) could create more sustainable, trilateral value chains that benefit African host nations.

The document argues that current development and climate finance is insufficient to meet the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris Agreement, noting a $4 trillion annual investment gap for SDG implementation in developing countries. It promotes the work of the Global Solidarity Levy Task Force (GSLTF), which has proposed 16 levy options targeting undertaxed sectors responsible for carbon emissions, including aviation, fossil fuels, and financial transactions. The GSLTF estimates that these levies could potentially generate over $500 billion in annual revenue, with specific examples such as a 0.1% levy on trading stocks and bonds potentially raising $418 billion. The brief calls for developing countries to engage in the design and assessment of these levies to ensure equitable access to funds, as the recovery of these taxes generally occurs through individual national tax systems, leaving the allocation of grants to developing countries to the discretion of developed nations.

The document outlines the work of the Global Solidarity Levy Task Force (GSLTF) in developing 16 tax options targeting undertaxed, high-emission sectors to bridge the trillion-dollar financing gap for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris Agreement. It highlights the potential for these levies to generate over $500 billion in annual revenue and calls for developing countries to engage in the design and assessment of these mechanisms to ensure equitable access to funds. The brief details the GSLTF's efforts to build political momentum through international forums and its submission to the Baku to Belém Roadmap to support the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance.

The report details the disclosure of an Environmental and Social Impact Assessment (ESIA), an Environmental and Social Management Plan (ESMP), and an Environmental and Social Management System (ESMS) for the Ampyr - Dhule subproject in Maharashtra, India. It confirms that these documents were made available in English and Marathi to satisfy GCF requirements for Category B sub-projects, ensuring disclosure at least 30 days before an investment decision. The report also notes that the project adheres to an IFC-compliant ESMS and lists specific dates for stakeholder engagement and public disclosure in Mhasale Village.

Global climate finance more than doubled between 2018 and 2022, reaching USD 1.46 trillion in 2022, yet remains far below the USD 7.4 trillion annual average needed by 2030 for a 1.5°C scenario. Mitigation finance dominates the landscape, driven by renewable energy and electric vehicles in advanced economies and China, while adaptation finance, though growing, remains severely underfunded, particularly for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS). The report highlights a critical imbalance, noting that fossil fuel subsidies reached USD 1.4 trillion in 2022, nearly equaling total climate finance. It recommends reforming the global financial architecture through increased concessional finance, risk mitigation, and the redirection of fossil fuel expenditures to close the investment gap.

The document explores the potential of superhot rock energy in Africa, highlighting its capacity to provide massive amounts of carbon-free electricity and its potential to drive economic growth and energy access.

The report confirms that the Building Climate Resilience for Food and Livelihoods in the Horn of Africa (BREFOL) programme, managed by the African Development Bank, is classified as an Environmental and Social Safeguards (ESS) Category B programme. It documents the disclosure of Environmental and Social Management Frameworks (ESMF) and Environmental and Social Management Plans (ESMP) on February 2, 2024, in English, French, Amharic, and Somali across Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, and South Sudan.

The report examines Kenya's climate risk insurance landscape, highlighting the effectiveness of government-subsidised programmes like KLIP and KAIP, while identifying significant barriers such as inadequate weather data, low insurance penetration (2.4%), and a substantial adaptation funding gap of approximately KES 853bn annually. It argues for a multi-level risk transfer approach and improved data infrastructure to enhance the commercial viability and impact of climate insurance.

The document analyzes the increasing debt distress in Africa, noting that public debt reached 65.6% of GDP in 2022. It highlights the shift toward non-concessional debt and the role of private creditors, who now hold over 40% of Africa's total external debt. The brief argues that the G20's Common Framework needs reform to be more inclusive of middle-income countries and private creditors. It advocates for the establishment of an African Credit Rating Agency to counter perceived biases from global agencies and the creation of an African Debt Monitoring Mechanism by June 2024 to improve transparency. Key recommendations include restructuring multilateral development banks, extending debt repayment periods, and increasing IMF Poverty Reduction Growth Trust access limits.

The report forecasts a significant increase in Africa's energy demand due to population growth, projecting that it will overtake the EU27 by 2043. While Africa possesses vast oil, gas, and hydropower reserves, its current energy mix remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels, with 'other renewables' making up only 1.6% of production in 2023. The document highlights a trajectory where Africa will eventually become a major global source of carbon emissions from fossil fuels, overtaking the EU by 2034.

The report identifies Africa as a net energy exporter, though it forecasts that total energy demand will exceed production by 2039. While a small group of countries like Algeria, Nigeria, and Angola maintain high export values, a significant number of African nations remain heavily dependent on energy imports, a group expected to expand by 2043.

The document analyzes the distinct paths toward statehood for Somaliland and the SADR, contrasting Somaliland's case of secession from Somalia with the SADR's struggle for self-determination against Moroccan occupation. It examines how the African Union's adherence to inviolable colonial borders, despite precedents like Eritrea and South Sudan, complicates these efforts. The authors argue that both territories seek to reclaim colonial-era boundaries rather than alter them, yet they face significant economic and political hurdles due to a lack of formal recognition.

The MENA region increased its operational utility-scale solar and wind capacity by 57% since May 2022, adding 6.9 GW. While prospective capacity has grown by 400% to 361 GW, 60% of these projects are earmarked for green hydrogen production or export rather than domestic decarbonization. Oil and gas power plants still provide over 90% of the region's electricity, and replacing them would require approximately 500 GW of additional solar and wind capacity. The report highlights a disparity in progress, noting that South America operationalized at least four times more capacity in the same period. Additionally, sovereign wealth funds from the UAE and Saudi Arabia are investing more heavily in renewables abroad (46 GW) than domestically (14 GW).

The document evaluates the state of governance in Africa using indices such as the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) and the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG). It finds that while some progress has been made in 'voice and accountability', overall governance trends have remained static or declined since 1996. The analysis suggests that while APRM members are statistically more likely to show governance improvement than non-members, the number of reviews undergone does not definitively correlate with better scores. The author argues that both the APRM and the AGR suffer from a lack of implementation of their recommendations and that the AGR risks duplicating the APRM's efforts.