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The European Electricity Review 2022 identifies a 'paradigm shift' in the EU power sector where soaring gas prices in 2021 led new renewable energy to replace fossil gas instead of coal. While wind and solar reached record generation of 547 TWh in 2021, overall power sector emissions declined at less than half the rate required to meet 1.5°C targets. The report highlights that coal phase-outs are stalling in some regions, such as Poland, and that the structural decline of nuclear power is further slowing decarbonization by forcing renewables to replace lost nuclear capacity rather than fossil fuels.

Turkey's coal generation declined for the third consecutive year in 2021 due to high import costs, but overall carbon intensity of power has not significantly improved in 30 years. While non-hydro renewables doubled since 2017 and wind and solar reached a record 13.6% share of generation in 2021, a drought-induced decline in hydropower was largely offset by an increase in gas generation, which rose from 23% to 33% year-over-year.

In 2021, Turkey's non-hydro renewable generation overtook hydropower for the first time, with wind and solar reaching a record 44.6 TWh. While coal generation declined for three consecutive years between 2018 and 2021 due to high import costs, gas generation increased to compensate for drought-induced hydropower losses, pushing the fossil fuel share to 65% in 2021. Despite the growth in renewables, the increase in production (+58 TWh since 2011) failed to keep pace with the surge in power demand (+95 TWh), resulting in a carbon intensity of power that has not significantly improved in at least 30 years.

The report defines 'climate-washing' as a subset of greenwashing specifically targeting climate change claims and examines the rising trend of litigation used to hold state and non-state actors accountable. It categorizes misleading communications into three areas: corporate/governmental commitments (such as net-zero pledges), product attributes (such as labeling natural gas as 'clean'), and the disclosure of financial risks and investments. The authors highlight a gap between public climate pledges and actual emission reductions, noting that many companies continue to invest in fossil fuels while advertising clean energy. The document provides recommendations for companies, policymakers, NGOs, and lawyers to combat disinformation and increase transparency.

The report outlines a consensus among approximately 30 Canadian civil society organizations to prioritize absolute emissions reductions over carbon removals and offsets. Key recommendations include establishing a firm fossil fuel phase-out date, ending subsidies for nuclear and carbon capture technologies, and integrating Indigenous reconciliation and just transition principles into climate policy. The document highlights a tension between incremental government targets and the systemic change required to align with a 1.5°C warming limit.

The report details a series of virtual workshops held in 2021 involving approximately 30 civil society organizations to discuss Canada's net-zero goals. The findings highlight a strong consensus on the need for absolute emission reductions, the phase-out of fossil fuels, and the prioritization of 'safe bets' like clean electricity and energy efficiency over uncertain technologies. Key areas of concern include the role of carbon capture and storage (CCS), the use of carbon offsets, and the necessity of integrating climate justice and Indigenous reconciliation into national strategies. The document concludes with a set of proposed 'guardrails' and policy demands to guide Canada's transition to carbon neutrality.

The report analyzes the 2020-2021 outputs of seven UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (HRTBs), noting a significant increase in climate-related references despite COVID-19 disruptions. It highlights a shift toward questioning developed nations on mitigation and fossil fuel extraction, alongside a consistent focus on adaptation and the participation of vulnerable groups. The document also examines key individual communications, such as Teitiota v. New Zealand and Sacchi et al. v. Argentina et al., which establish precedents for climate-induced human rights violations and extraterritorial jurisdiction.

The research analyzes external voting data from parliamentary and presidential elections for migrants from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Romania living in 17 European host countries. It employs the Pedersen index to measure the discrepancy between diaspora and domestic voting results and uses V-dem Party database dimensions to assess ideological differences. The findings generally indicate that diaspora voters are more liberal, less populist, and more economically right-wing than domestic voters, though their voting trends often mirror the dynamics of their countries of origin. The report also notes that the size and influence of these voting blocs are increasing, with the Bulgarian diaspora having the highest relative impact on national election results.

The Table Mountain Water Source Partnership project implemented a multi-layered approach to groundwater management in Cape Town, combining public awareness campaigns, citizen-science monitoring, and policy analysis. Key achievements include the launch of a public groundwater dashboard on 24 March 2022, the installation of dataloggers in four new residential areas, and the integration of groundwater data into the City of Cape Town's Bulk Water Decision Support System. The project culminated in the formal launch of the Table Mountain Water Source Partnership on 15 November 2021, consisting of nine founding members from government, academia, and the private sector to ensure sustainable groundwater governance.

The Changing Markets Foundation and partner organisations wrote to Arla Foods to highlight a 'complete lack of action' from major meat and dairy companies regarding methane emissions. Based on a report titled 'Blindspot', the authors state that none of the 20 companies analysed report methane emissions separately or have concrete targets to reduce them. Arla specifically scored 14.8 out of 100 in the ranking, with the authors noting a lack of specific commitments and only 'minor investment' in technical methane abatement and protein alternatives. The letter recommends that Arla set science-based targets aligned with 1.5°C, report CO2 and methane separately, and shift toward sustainable food systems including reduced meat and dairy production.

The Changing Markets Foundation and partner organisations critique Danish Crown for its lack of concrete methane reduction targets and reporting, scoring the company 9.6 out of 100 in a ranking of 20 meat and dairy companies. The letter demands disclosure of investments in methane abatement and alternative proteins and recommends the adoption of science-based targets aligned with a 1.5°C limit, including absolute emission reductions and a shift toward sustainable food systems.

The Center for International Environmental Law argues that COP26 failed to address the root causes of the climate crisis, specifically fossil fuels, and instead relied on 'false solutions' like carbon offsets. The statement highlights the exclusion of civil society and Indigenous Peoples from negotiations, the inadequacy of climate finance for adaptation and loss and damage, and the persistence of 'greenwashing' by corporate interests. While noting some progress in marginal alliances like the Beyond Oil & Gas Alliance, the author concludes that the official negotiated outcomes lack the ambition and equity required to keep global warming below 1.5°C.

The report examines 'whole-of-government' approaches to climate change, emphasizing the need for central leadership, clear mandates, and transparency to overcome ministerial silos. Through case studies of the UK, US, and British Columbia, it highlights that while such approaches can foster collaboration, they are often fragile and dependent on the political will of the head of government. The author recommends that Canada establish a dedicated Cabinet committee and a central coordination secretariat to integrate climate considerations across all public policies.

The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to climate change in Canada, defined as the use of governance structures (like cabinet committees) and processes (like mandate letters) to coordinate action across departmental silos. Through case studies of the UK, US, and British Columbia, it identifies that success depends on sustained executive leadership, adequate resources, and empowered personnel. It warns that such structures are fragile and can be easily dismantled by changes in government. For Canada, the brief recommends establishing a Prime Minister-chaired Cabinet Committee on Climate Change and Net Zero, supported by a high-level coordinating Secretariat in the Privy Council or Prime Minister's Office.

Carbon Market Watch criticises the IMO's slow progress on shipping emissions and the insufficiency of its 2030 energy efficiency targets. It highlights a growing coalition of countries and companies calling for zero emissions by 2050 and advocates for a strong market-based measure, specifically a carbon levy, to bridge the price gap between fossil and sustainable fuels and support climate justice.

The StratKIT Sustainability Toolkit provides a comprehensive set of practical tools and strategies to transition public catering services toward more sustainable practices. It focuses on eight 'Gateways' including organic food, plant-based diets, food waste reduction, and resource efficiency, while emphasizing the role of Green Public Procurement (GPP) as a primary driver for systemic change in the food supply chain.

Denmark has committed to ending oil and gas production by 2050 via the 2020 North Sea Agreement. The transition is supported by a declining economic significance of the sector and the growth of green technologies like offshore wind and CCUS. While the workforce's versatility and state support may mitigate negative impacts, risks remain for workers near retirement and small suppliers unable to restructure.

The report finds that new coal capacity in the IRP 2019 is unnecessary for energy security, more expensive than renewable alternatives, and incompatible with the Paris Agreement. Modelling shows that forcing 1.5 GW of new coal into the system increases total discounted power system costs by R23 billion in a reference scenario and up to R109 billion in a climate policy scenario. Furthermore, the study argues that a high-renewable pathway creates more jobs and supports higher GDP growth than a coal-dominated future.

The report evaluates three emissions reduction pathways for EU heavy-duty vehicles, concluding that a combination of electrification, energy efficiency, and biofuels is necessary to reach ambitious targets. While the EU's 'Fit for 55' plan suggests a modest 4% reduction by 2030, a linear path to net-zero by 2050 would require a 35% reduction by 2030. The authors estimate that combining all available measures—including a 50% electric share of new truck registrations—would yield a 24% reduction by 2030, still falling short of the most aggressive linear pathway.

The paper examines the potential of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) technologies to transform South Africa's commercial landscape by reducing dependence on physical currency. It highlights the risks of cash-in-transit (CIT) heists and ATM attacks, noting that 243 CIT heists occurred in 2019. While acknowledging challenges such as the third-highest global rate of cybercrime and a large informal economy, the authors argue that digital payment systems—similar to those adopted in China, Kenya, and the UK—could improve security and economic inclusivity. The document identifies barriers to e-commerce growth in South Africa, including high banking charges, lack of funding for SMMEs, strict labour laws, and expensive internet data.