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The paper analyzes the 'business-peace nexus,' where multinational corporations (MNCs) are reframed as peace actors. While B4P aims to embed corporations in public accountability structures, the authors argue it creates 'asymmetrical governance' locally, where corporate power is amplified and accountability is obscured.

The study analyzes 142 self-determination movements across 77 countries to determine the preventive effects of UNSC actions. It finds that direct diplomatic engagement significantly reduces the probability of armed conflict onset. Additionally, while direct force and sanctions show limited or positive correlations with conflict, indirect authorizations of force and sanctions—those applied in a broader regional or state-wide context—act as powerful deterrents, reducing the likelihood of civil war for related self-determination groups.

The research analyzes the geographical evolution of African civil wars using the UCDP Georeferenced Event Dataset (GED). It argues that rebel groups with strong ethnic ties or significant military strength tend to maintain stable, localized conflict zones, whereas groups lacking these attributes—or those receiving external military support—are more likely to be 'roving.' The study finds that the greatest mobility occurs when rebels have neither strong local ties nor the strength to compete conventionally with government forces.

The study introduces the SEAP dataset, covering missions by the UN, NATO, ECOWAS, and the African Union from 1999 to 2010. Through multivariate logit regression, the authors identify that larger mission sizes and a history of extensive sexual violence in the host country's preceding conflict are the most robust predictors of reported SEA. Other significant factors include lower economic development in host countries and a general increase in reporting after 2005, likely due to heightened international focus following the 2005 Zeid report.

The research examines the interaction effects of business-development partnerships in the Global South, arguing that the current global model often prioritizes corporate interests and high-level rhetoric over grounded social impact. Through narrative inquiry and case studies in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Myanmar, and Dubai, the author illustrates how corporate operations can inadvertently fund conflict, confer legitimacy to violent actors, and facilitate the laundering of conflict minerals, despite public commitments to the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The paper concludes that non-binding, self-reported frameworks like the UN Global Compact are insufficient and that binding, independently verified regulatory initiatives are necessary to ensure peace-positive business action.

The author argues that World Refugee Day (WRD) functions as a tool for the UNHCR to recast refugee agency as an extension of its own humanitarian efforts, effectively acting as a 'surrogate state' for displaced people. By analyzing the 'World Pays Tribute' news story, the paper highlights a tension between the celebratory, de-politicized imagery of WRD—which often uses 'utopian representations' of joyful refugees—and the 'extra-democratic' realities of UNHCR governance, such as the 'warehousing' of refugees in camps and procedural gaps in refugee status determination.

Nuru, funded by Team Europe and Gaia Impact, has deployed solar-hybrid mini-grids in the Democratic Republic of Congo, providing renewable energy to approximately 15,000 people and 796 SMEs. The portfolio has installed 1.7 MW of capacity, created 116 local jobs, and mitigated 3,300 cumulative tonnes of CO2 emissions to date.

The document details several Team Europe-funded green energy projects in Africa, focusing on solar mini-grids and solar home systems (SHS). Key initiatives include ANKA's Angovo project in Madagascar, ENGIE Energy Access's SHS scaling in Uganda, FRES's energy-as-a-service model in Mali, Burkina Faso, Uganda, and Guinea-Bissau, and projects in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Lesotho, and Sierra Leone. These projects aim to increase electricity access for households, SMEs, and public institutions while reducing CO2 emissions and fostering local economic growth through job creation and improved services in health and education.

The Les Soleils du Garamba project is a EUR 10 million initiative to deploy a 1 MWp green mini-grid in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The project aims to connect 3,000 customers by 2026, mitigating 2,000 tonnes of CO2 emissions annually while supporting biodiversity and regional stability.

The report provides a comprehensive overview of India's decentralised renewable energy (DRE) landscape, detailing deployment statistics, government schemes, and the role of R&D in driving innovation. It highlights the transition of DRE from basic lighting to productive livelihood applications and identifies 'weak-grid' areas as a significant growth market. The document emphasizes the necessity of harmonized international standards to prevent market spoilage and facilitate global trade. It also showcases the 'transformational journeys' of Indian companies expanding into Sub-Saharan Africa, leveraging digital technologies like Pay-as-you-Go (PayG) and standardized mini-grid models to address energy poverty.

The SADC region exhibits significant economic disparities, with South Africa dominating both regional GDP (55.5%) and intra-regional exports (68.1%). While the region saw an average annual GDP growth of 4.7% from 2003-2013, competitiveness is hindered by poor infrastructure, corruption, and limited access to finance. The services sector is the primary driver of regional growth, though reliance on agriculture remains high in countries like Mozambique, Madagascar, and Malawi. Intra-regional trade has stagnated relative to other African regional economic communities, further hampered by severe transport inefficiencies and customs delays.

The document examines the lack of progress in implementing the SADC univisa, despite the 1998 Protocol on the Development of Tourism. It identifies a conflict between economic goals—where tourism contributes 5.8% to SADC's GDP—and security concerns held by home affairs and security agencies. While a pilot group of countries (including South Africa, Namibia, and Zimbabwe) has worked on harmonisation, political will remains low. The study suggests using the Kavango Zambezi (KAZA) TFCA pilot as a model to overcome bureaucratic resistance.

The document analyzes the inefficiencies of national customs bond systems in Southern Africa, where transporters must purchase separate bonds for every border crossed, increasing costs and delays. It evaluates the regional transit bond (RTB) initiatives of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), noting that both suffer from poor implementation and a lack of stakeholder awareness. By comparing these to the successful Transports Internationaux Routiers (TIR) system, the study argues that a participatory management structure involving the private sector and financial institutions is essential for the successful deployment of a regional system, particularly in anticipation of the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA).

The Beit Bridge border post, a critical transit link for Southern and Eastern Africa, suffers from severe delays averaging three days, with some extending to two weeks. These delays are driven by inadequate physical infrastructure, such as a single commercial vehicle lane, frequent power outages in Zimbabwe, and non-harmonised IT systems between the South African Revenue Service (SARS) and the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA). The document highlights a systemic culture of bribery and corruption among immigration and police officials, as well as high crime rates that effectively limit operations to daylight hours. Economic consequences include increased transport costs of approximately $400 per truck per day and higher consumer prices for goods like fuel and sugar.

The SADC Non-Tariff Barrier (NTB) Monitoring Mechanism allows private sector actors to report trade barriers via an online database, but the resolution of these barriers is often ineffective. NTBs affect products accounting for $3.3 billion, or 20%, of regional trade, with transport-related barriers being the most persistent. Resolution is hampered by inefficient National Monitoring Committees, a lack of technical expertise, and a political preference for cooperative rather than litigious dispute settlement. The document argues that resolution depends on political will, as some states maintain barriers to protect local industry or revenue. Proposed solutions include strengthening business membership organisations, capacitating national focal points, and creating forums for facilitated dialogue between the private sector and government.

The document examines Namibia's strategy to position the Port of Walvis Bay as a competitive alternative to other SADC ports. It details the role of the Namibian Ports Authority (Namport) and the Walvis Bay Corridor Group (WBCG) in expanding infrastructure and improving trade facilitation. Key developments include a new container terminal funded largely by the African Development Bank and the conceptual SADC Gateway Port. While the port benefits from strategic location and political stability, it faces challenges in human capital and administrative bureaucracy.

This 2012 case study examines the operational challenges faced by Aluminium Africa Limited (ALAF), a Tanzania-based aluminium and steel manufacturer. ALAF reports significant barriers to regional trade within the SADC area, including inadequate energy infrastructure (marked by power rationing and cost increases), inefficient border controls and port services in Tanzania, and regulatory uncertainty. The company also highlights difficulties in accessing skilled labour and foreign currency in markets like Malawi. While ALAF has invested in backup power and lobbied via the Confederation of Tanzania Industries, it notes a lack of tangible government action to resolve these systemic constraints.

This research paper by Amanda Lucey argues for the integration of peace and security into the discourse of South-South Cooperation (SSC), specifically in the context of the BAPA+40 conference. The author contends that while the original 1978 Buenos Aires Plan of Action (BAPA) focused on economic and social development, the contemporary African reality necessitates a holistic approach where peace and development are viewed as mutually reinforcing.

The document details Germany's shift from a marginal interest in Africa during the Cold War to a more active partnership approach starting in 1998. It highlights the transition from a 'watering can' aid model to targeted support for a limited number of countries, emphasizing poverty reduction and sustainable development. Economic ties are characterized by a concentration of foreign direct investment in Libya, Egypt, and South Africa, while political engagement includes support for the G8 Africa Action Plan and NEPAD. The report specifically examines the 'strategic partnership' with South Africa, noting significant bilateral trade and investment in the automotive and chemical sectors. It also outlines Germany's security contributions through UN-mandated operations and its internal economic challenges, such as high unemployment, which influence its international agenda.

The document outlines Italy's strategic focus on the Horn of Africa, driven by colonial history and security concerns, and its role in regional peace processes. It details Italy's development aid trends, noting a decline in real terms despite government commitments, and examines Italy's trade and investment ties across Africa, particularly with Tunisia, Libya, and South Africa.