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The report argues that electric vehicles (EVs) can serve as enablers for a new energy paradigm in Southern Africa, shifting the region away from coal and oil dependency. It proposes a 'Southern African Green New Deal' and identifies five systemic innovations: transforming automakers into energy companies, implementing EV-enabled demand-side response services, transitioning consumers to 'prosumers' via peer-to-peer trading, deploying localized distributed energy resource (DER) networks using blockchain, and reskilling the workforce for green jobs. The analysis emphasizes that while South Africa's current grid is coal-heavy, EVs still offer lifecycle GHG reductions and can accelerate the decarbonization of power generation.

The EARF gender assessment identifies women as primary energy consumers and key agents in the off-grid energy value chain. It proposes loan covenants to ensure companies maintain female employment levels and adopt Gender Empowerment Policies. The report includes detailed gender profiles for Nigeria, Uganda, Rwanda, Mozambique, Kenya, Zambia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Senegal, and Sierra Leone, highlighting systemic barriers such as cultural norms and limited access to STEM roles.

The report evaluates the operationalization of REDD+ and the inclusion of forest-related mitigation targets in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement. While the overarching goal of including forests in a global climate agreement is considered met, the report identifies significant barriers to REDD+ implementation, including insufficient finance and a lack of quantifiable targets in many NDCs. Recent updates to NDCs show some improvement in the quality and scale of forest targets in specific countries.

The 2020 assessment of NYDF Goal 9 reveals that while nearly USD 4.7 billion in results-based finance has been committed since 2010, only 40 percent has been disbursed. The report highlights a significant gap in funding for the implementation phase of REDD+ activities and notes that carbon markets have channeled USD 2.5 billion to forests over 20 years. While private sector demand for forest carbon offsets is rising among airlines and petroleum companies, current carbon prices remain too low to meet Paris Agreement objectives. Additionally, the report details various domestic compliance schemes in countries like Australia, Canada, and China that allow for forest carbon credits.

The 2020 assessment of Goal 10 of the New York Declaration on Forests (NYDF) finds that global progress in forest governance remains slow, with weak legal frameworks and limited enforcement continuing to drive deforestation. While some countries have implemented positive measures—such as Indonesia's permanent Forest and Peatland Moratorium and the regional Pacto de Leticia in the Amazon—these are offset by deregulation in countries like Brazil, Bolivia, and Peru. The report highlights a critical gap in land tenure, noting that only about half of the lands customarily held by Indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) are legally recognized. Furthermore, violence against environmental defenders reached a record high in 2019, with 212 killings reported globally.

The report finds that progress toward reducing deforestation from infrastructure, extractive industries, and basic-needs activities is slow. While some governments and companies have adopted policies and commitments, implementation is often weak, transparency is limited, and large-scale development projects continue to threaten intact forests. The report emphasizes the need for a paradigm shift toward alternative development pathways and the empowerment of Indigenous peoples and local communities.

The document analyzes 'China-powered' agency in the DRC, dividing the period into two phases. From 2007 to 2009, the Kabila regime successfully used the Sicomines agreement to play China and the IMF against each other, securing both infrastructure loans and debt relief. However, from 2010 to 2019, this agency diminished as China shifted toward a more cautious diplomatic approach, prioritizing private investment over state-backed mega-deals and seeking to be viewed as a responsible international actor. The author concludes that such agency is circumscribed and depends entirely on China's own strategic interests.

The policy brief examines the health diplomacy of the US and China during the COVID-19 pandemic, specifically focusing on Africa and Latin America. It argues that while both powers used health aid to gain diplomatic ground, China committed more new resources and employed a multi-actor approach, whereas the US relied heavily on pre-existing frameworks like PEPFAR. The document also analyzes systemic impacts, such as the disruption of global supply chains and the rise of nationalism over multilateralism, and highlights the critical need for health equity and global cooperation to manage future public health crises.

The report examines the bioeconomy potential of Croton megalocarpus Hutch in Kenya through a case study of Eco Fuels Kenya (EFK). EFK has developed a circular value chain that transforms croton nuts into biofuel, poultry feed, organic fertilizer, and biopesticides, providing alternative income for over 5,000 subsistence farmers. While the model demonstrates success in gender inclusion and resource value-addition, it faces challenges from a lack of national bioeconomy policy, inadequate government incentives, and climate-related yield fluctuations.

The document argues that while a 'grand theory' of migration does not exist, researchers can use 'theoretical triangulation' to formulate testable propositions. It presents ten such propositions covering the roles of pre-existing connections, social networks, involuntary immobility, resource constraints, environmental stress, violent conflict, economic development, development aid, and the effectiveness and unintended consequences of migration policies.

The document advocates for a regional political approach to resolve instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the wider Great Lakes region. It highlights the opportunity presented by President Félix Tshisekedi's leadership to revitalize regional relations but warns that international actors must stop prioritizing regime stability over democratic institutions in countries like Rwanda and Uganda. A central driver of conflict is identified as a 'regional mafia' of military, political, and business actors from the DRC, Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi who profit from the illegal mineral trade, necessitating that any political dialogue explicitly address the illegal exploitation of natural resources.

An investigation by Global Witness and PPLAAF suggests that Dan Gertler used a money laundering network spanning the DRC, Europe, and Israel to evade US sanctions imposed in 2017. The report alleges that Gertler continued to acquire mining permits via front companies and received payments from major mining firms, including Glencore, while utilizing Afriland First Bank to facilitate these financial arrangements.

A joint investigation by Global Witness and PPLAAF suggests that Dan Gertler evaded US sanctions through a money laundering network spanning the DRC, Europe, and Israel. The report alleges that Gertler used proxy companies to acquire mining permits from Gécamines and that Afriland First Bank played a central role in the evasion scheme. Furthermore, it claims that major mining companies, including Glencore, ERG, and Sicomines, continued to engage in business or make payments to entities linked to Gertler despite the sanctions.

A case study on the Farmer Managed Natural Regeneration (FMNR) project in Talensi, Ghana, detailing how a low-cost land restoration technique has improved soil fertility, increased crop yields, and enhanced the climate resilience of over 10,000 smallholder farmers.

The report examines the complex dynamics of migration in Southern Africa, highlighting the region's reliance on labour migration and the dominance of South Africa as a destination. It identifies a gap between aspirational regional integration goals and the reality of non-binding agreements and national protectionism. Key issues include the precarious nature of low-skilled work, the 'brain drain' of professionals, and the lack of social security portability for migrant workers.

The document examines how SADC member states can leverage their vast reserves of EV-related minerals and metals (EVMM) to move from raw material export to regional beneficiation. It highlights the need for a public-private EVMM working group and coalition to coordinate value chains, formalise artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), and implement a circular economy approach to mining waste. The brief emphasizes that a regional 'green deal' and the finalisation of the Africa Mining Vision (AMV) are essential for a just transition to a low-carbon economy.

The document analyzes the drivers of instability in the Great Lakes region, emphasizing that while the DRC's governance failures are often blamed, the political repression and economic interests of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi are equally significant. It highlights the role of illegal mineral extraction and the export of internal political conflicts into the eastern DRC. The author suggests that the presidency of Félix Tshisekedi provides an opportunity for a positive shift in regional dynamics, provided there is a fundamental reframing of the conflict narrative and a shift in international diplomatic approaches. The paper evaluates existing frameworks like the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework (PSCF) and recommends a high-level mediation process led by the African Union.

The briefing contends that peace in the Great Lakes region requires a shift from prioritizing regime stability to fostering sustainable democratic institutions and addressing the 'regional mafia' of actors profiting from illicit mineral trade. It suggests that the leadership of President Félix Tshisekedi in the DRC provides an opportunity to reinvigorate regional relations, provided the international community stops tolerating human rights violations in the name of stability.

The document examines how national investment laws can provide a pathway for foreign investors to initiate ISDS claims, potentially challenging government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. It highlights that while treaty-based claims are more common, domestic laws—often influenced by international organization 'best practice' advice—can grant unequivocal consent to international arbitration. This creates risks of unpredictable, costly awards and a dichotomy between how domestic and foreign investors are treated. The brief suggests that governments review and potentially amend or suspend these provisions to preserve policy space during the crisis.

The document warns that national investment laws can act as a mechanism for foreign investors to initiate international arbitration against states, potentially challenging COVID-19 emergency measures. It highlights that many developing countries included ISDS consent in their laws following World Bank 'best practice' advice, creating a broad exposure to costly claims. The authors suggest that governments review and potentially suspend these provisions to maintain policy space during the pandemic.