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The report examines the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in Cyprus and Kosovo, highlighting a gap in 'hard' security integration in Cyprus compared to the more comprehensive approach in Kosovo. It analyzes the roles of UNFICYP, UNMIK, EULEX, and KFOR, arguing that while participation of women in peacekeeping is high in both regions, the integration of gender perspectives into core security and defence policy remains underdeveloped, particularly in the Republic of Cyprus.

The document analyzes the deepening strategic, economic, and military ties between Israel and the Republic of Cyprus, emphasizing the role of the trilateral Israel-Cyprus-Greece framework. It finds that while Israeli elites view Cyprus as a loyal ally and a bridge to the European Union, there is a significant lack of awareness regarding the relationship's depth among the broader Israeli public and some lawmakers.

The report examines the shift from a fossil-fuel-based geopolitical paradigm to one led by renewables in the Eastern Mediterranean. It argues that while hydrocarbon discoveries have historically escalated tensions over maritime boundaries, the transition to clean energy offers new opportunities for regional and inter-communal cooperation. Specifically, it proposes several technical and policy-driven 'green dialogue' initiatives for divided Cyprus, such as shared energy storage in the buffer zone and renewable energy trade, to build trust and align the island with EU climate goals.

The document explains how beneficial ownership transparency (BOT) helps uncover the individuals who ultimately control assets, preventing criminals and corrupt officials from using shell companies to hide profits from illegal wildlife trade, forestry, and fisheries. It highlights the role of public registries in tracing 'dirty money' and provides guidance for NRM practitioners to conduct due diligence and identify signs of obscured ownership to safeguard conservation projects.

The document examines waste management in Bosnia and Herzegovina through the lens of social equity, highlighting that while collection coverage has expanded, rural areas and Roma communities remain underserved. It identifies a strong reliance of Roma populations on informal waste collection for income and notes that the formal waste sector is heavily male-dominated. The brief argues for the integration of informal collectors into formal systems and the use of gender-based quotas and targeted training to diversify the workforce.

Juliane Schmidt advocates for the EU to transition from basic gender mainstreaming to a 'green feminist foreign policy' that employs an intersectional approach to address the gendered impacts of climate change, conflict, and natural disasters. The author critiques the European External Action Service (EEAS) for its male-dominated leadership and the Gender Action Plan III (GAP III) for lacking inclusive language and gender-responsive budgeting. The text suggests that the EU should follow the lead of pioneer countries like Sweden by implementing mandatory staff training, binding gender chapters in trade agreements, and systemic changes to institutional culture to ensure that women and marginalised groups are agents of change rather than mere beneficiaries.

The document advocates for a comprehensive EU directive on corporate due diligence to prevent environmental harm. It argues against size-based thresholds for companies, citing the seafood and timber industries as examples where small and medium enterprises (SMEs) can cause significant damage. It emphasizes the necessity of a 'life cycle' approach to value chains, particularly for fossil fuels (addressing Scope 3 emissions and methane leakage) and plastics (addressing pellet pollution). Finally, it calls for mandatory, detailed public reporting to ensure corporate accountability, using the automotive sector's emissions and battery supply chains as a case for transparency.

ClientEarth argues that the revised Notice should explicitly allow NGOs and individuals to challenge State aid measures that breach environmental law and should emphasize the need for greater transparency in aid granting to facilitate private enforcement. While maintaining that the Commission holds exclusive competence to assess the overall compatibility of aid with the internal market, the document suggests that national courts can provide critical evidence of environmental violations to assist the Commission. It further highlights systemic failures in the EU State aid Transparency Register, noting missing data for Member States such as Romania and Cyprus.

The report finds that the EU is planning a 35% increase in gas import capacity through pipelines and LNG terminals, costing an estimated €87 billion. This expansion is argued to be unnecessary for security of supply and contradictory to the EU's climate goals, creating a significant risk of stranded assets and emissions lock-in. While public financing from the EIB and EU grants has historically catalyzed these projects, the report notes a shift toward phasing out such support, though private finance and initiatives like the Three Seas Initiative continue to pose risks of further fossil gas entrenchment.

The document defines confidence-building measures (CBMs) as actions intended to increase trust and transparency between conflict parties. It categorizes CBMs into five types—political, economic, environmental, societal, and cultural—and outlines ten characteristics of successful measures, emphasizing the need for gendered conflict resolution analysis. The briefing highlights specific cases where women's engagement influenced peace processes in Yemen, Kenya, Senegal, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Colombia, Northern Ireland, and the former Yugoslavia, concluding with recommendations for gender-inclusive, multi-track approaches to peace.

The report analyzes how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing disparities in health, wealth, and power, specifically highlighting 'vaccine apartheid' and the failure of multi-stakeholder governance. It critiques the reliance on private sector solutions for public crises and advocates for transformative policies, including the waiver of intellectual property rights for vaccines, progressive tax reforms, and the strengthening of universal public services to ensure a just recovery.

The document provides a comprehensive synthesis of the 2018 Global Sustainable Blue Economy Conference's Science and Research Symposium. It argues that a sustainable blue economy—defined as the productive and sustainable use of oceans, seas, lakes, and rivers—must be grounded in multidisciplinary science and public-private partnerships. Key focus areas include the sustainable extraction of deep-sea minerals, the mitigation of climate change through blue carbon ecosystems (mangroves, seagrasses, and seaweed), and the modernization of maritime transport through AI and robotics. The report emphasizes the need for capacity building in the Global South, particularly in Africa, and proposes the establishment of a Global Blue Economy Investment Facility to mobilize finance and technology transfer.

ClientEarth urges EU decision-makers to prohibit the use of Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) funds for gas-reliant projects, asserting that such investments would breach the Paris Agreement and EU legal obligations. The document argues that gas is not a viable 'bridge fuel' due to methane leakages and that existing infrastructure overcapacity makes new investments a stranded asset risk.

ClientEarth argues that while the EUTR and FLEGT Regulation have improved transparency in timber supply chains, significant gaps in enforcement, funding, and scope persist. The organization highlights a critical lack of staff and financial resources in EU Member States, uneven implementation that disrupts the market, and a low volume of compliance checks relative to the number of operators. It recommends expanding the EUTR's product scope, introducing stricter responsibilities for traders, and harmonizing penalties to ensure they are 'effective, proportionate and dissuasive'. Regarding FLEGT, ClientEarth notes its success in driving systemic law reform and civil society participation in producer countries but warns that the EU's reduced market weight and the technical complexity of Voluntary Partnership Agreements (VPAs) may hinder progress. Finally, it calls for new mandatory due diligence legislation to address forest conversion driven by commodities like soy, cocoa, palm oil, and beef.

A coalition of international church-based organisations urges the European Commission to reform its migration and asylum policies, arguing that the current system is 'fundamentally broken'. The statement highlights the failure of the 'hotspot' approach and the 2016 EU-Turkey deal, calling for a shift from 'crisis mode' to a system based on solidarity, human dignity, and the equitable sharing of responsibility among all EU member states. It specifically advocates for safe passage channels and the rejection of policies that externalise border controls.

The briefing warns that emergency government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic—such as lockdowns, medical supply requisitions, and export bans—create an unprecedented risk of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims under over 3,000 investment treaties. It highlights the unpredictability of arbitration tribunals and the high cost of defense, citing historical examples from Argentina and Egypt where states faced multi-billion dollar awards. The authors call for a coordinated global response, potentially through the UN or WTO, to suspend ISDS for pandemic measures or issue joint interpretations of the 'state of necessity' defense. As an interim measure, it suggests states may withdraw their consent to arbitration.

The briefing warns that emergency COVID-19 measures—such as lockdowns, nationalization of health services, and export bans—risk triggering a wave of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims under over 3,000 investment treaties. It highlights the unpredictability of arbitration tribunals and the high cost of defense, which can average 8 million USD per case. Using historical examples like Argentina's 2001 crisis, the document illustrates how such claims can result in billions of dollars in awards, potentially undermining national health budgets and IMF rescue packages. The authors call for a coordinated global response via the UN, UNCTAD, or UNCITRAL to suspend arbitration for COVID-19 measures or issue joint interpretations of the 'state of necessity' defense. As an interim measure, it suggests that states may unilaterally withdraw their consent to arbitration.

The research paper examines Turkey's efforts to re-assert regional influence through military and economic engagement in North and East Africa. It highlights Turkey's support for the Government of National Accord (GNA) in Libya, its strategic energy interests in the Mediterranean, and its long-term development and diplomatic presence in the Horn of Africa, particularly Somalia. The text notes the complex interplay between Turkey, Russia, and the EU in managing the Libyan crisis, as well as Turkey's rivalry with a bloc including Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

The briefing examines the lack of legal recognition for 'climate refugees' in international law and the EU's asylum system, highlighting how current frameworks often classify such individuals as voluntary or economic migrants. It advocates for a holistic, human-rights-based approach that integrates climate, development, and migration policies, suggesting the use of humanitarian visas and flexible legal labor channels as potential solutions. The author emphasizes the role of the UN Global Compacts and the potential for the Greens in the European Parliament to push for these reforms despite political divisions and a Commission focus on border security.

The report finds that the EU ETS region is increasingly importing electricity from non-EU neighbors with high carbon intensities, effectively importing emissions and creating 'offshore carbon havens'. In 2019, the EU ETS region imported 26 million tonnes of CO2, with a net import of 20 million tonnes. The authors argue that the disparity in carbon pricing gives a competitive advantage to high-carbon generators in countries like Turkey, Ukraine, and the Western Balkans. To combat this, the report recommends a border carbon adjustment (BCA) on gross electricity imports to protect the integrity of EU climate policy and incentivize decarbonization in neighboring states. It also warns that planned increases in interconnection capacity (31% by 2030) and new coal power projects (up to 57GW) in connected non-EU countries will exacerbate the problem.