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The Accreditation Panel recommends that the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) be upgraded to 'large' project size and 'high risk' (Category A/I-1) environmental and social risk categories. The assessment found that IFAD's fiduciary standards, project management capacities, and environmental and social safeguards fully meet GCF requirements for these expanded parameters.

The report examines the complex security landscape in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique, where large-scale investments in LNG, rubies, and graphite coexist with a violent insurgency. It identifies a 'hybrid security environment' comprising the Mozambican Republican Police (PRM), Mozambique Defense Armed Forces (FADM), community-based Força Locale, Rwandan Security Forces (RSF), and Private Security Companies (PSCs). The analysis highlights systemic human rights abuses by national forces, the relative effectiveness and trust associated with Rwandan forces, and the governance risks inherent in the private security sector. It concludes that uneven security provision—prioritising commercial assets over rural populations—fuels local grievances and instability, recommending standardised human rights due diligence and formalised public-private coordination.

The report details how armed groups in the Central African Republic, specifically the Seleka and anti-balaka, have systematically exploited diamond resources to fund violence. It highlights the failure of the Kimberley Process suspension to stop the flow of diamonds, which are 'naturalised' in neighbouring countries like Cameroon to enter international markets. The document warns that the introduction of 'compliant zones' for legal exports risks legitimising conflict diamonds, particularly those amassed in stockpiles by buying houses like Sodiam and Badica during the export ban.

The document details the systematic exploitation of diamond resources in the Central African Republic by armed groups such as the Séléka and anti-balaka. It describes a sophisticated black market where diamonds are smuggled through neighboring countries and 'naturalized' with false origins to enter international markets. The report criticizes the effectiveness of the Kimberley Process, noting that the partial lifting of export bans through 'compliant zones' may be undermined by internal smuggling and the existence of large stockpiles acquired during the conflict period by buying offices like Badica and Sodiam.

The Zero Hunger Private Sector Pledge is a non-binding initiative launched ahead of the September 2021 UN Food Systems Summit to align private sector operations and investments with evidence-based interventions to end hunger. Companies participating in the pledge must make financial commitments in specific high-impact areas and priority countries, comply with international human rights and agricultural principles, and agree to public progress tracking by the World Benchmarking Alliance. As of September 20, 2021, 42 companies have pledged over USD 345 million across 34 countries. The initiative focuses on three key pillars: empowering the excluded, investing in food producers, and reducing losses while supporting SMEs, with a planned sunset date in 2030.

Recent research indicates that while ex-combatants in the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and South Sudan engage in diverse economic activities—primarily small businesses in the informal sector—their success is hindered by dilapidated infrastructure, predatory taxation, and limited access to credit. The study finds that sustainable peace is possible if reintegration continues, though risks remain higher for young unmarried males who may resort to criminal activities or re-militarization. The presence of mineral wealth in ungoverned spaces offers wealth accumulation opportunities but exposes ex-combatants to violence and extortion by armed groups.

The document examines Uganda's threat to withdraw its forces from AMISOM, which follows allegations of Ugandan support for the M23 rebellion in the DRC. It highlights the risk that an untimely withdrawal without replacement could reverse security gains in Somalia and damage Uganda's reputation as a regional peace-broker. The briefing suggests the threat may be a political strategy to emphasize Uganda's contributions to international security, noting that diplomatic pressure, including a visit by US Ambassador Wendy Sherman, is likely being used to dissuade the withdrawal.

The document analyzes the evolution of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs in Africa, noting a shift from vague mandates in the late 1990s to highly specific programs by 2004. It emphasizes that DDR must be a voluntary process integrated into a broader national recovery framework, rather than a standalone social driver for peace. Key challenges identified include the 'quantitative' focus on counting soldiers versus the 'qualitative' need to reverse military indoctrination, the risk of DDR becoming a profit-making venture for ex-combatants, and the difficulty of accurate combatant identification. The report recommends a human-rights-based approach to DDR, better cross-border coordination to prevent combatants from moving between conflicts, and the use of strategic communication, particularly radio, to manage public expectations and support reconciliation.

The document analyzes the January 2013 escalation of conflict in Mali, where Islamist rebels captured the city of Konna, prompting a French military intervention. It attributes the rebel offensive to a lack of progress in negotiations and delays in the deployment of the UN-authorized African-led International Support Mission in Mali (AFISMA). While the French intervention is viewed as timely due to the Malian army's limited operational capacity, the author warns of humanitarian risks and the long-term challenge of controlling liberated areas. The briefing concludes by questioning the effectiveness of previous initiatives to strengthen African national armies and calls for a rethink of regional defense strategies.

The document discusses the impact of 'negative forces' on stability in the Great Lakes Region, particularly in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). While military force is often the preferred solution for groups like the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), the author highlights a mediation effort led by MONUC to repatriate the ADF/NALU coalition. The ADF/NALU, consisting of approximately 1,300 fighters (60% Congolese), emerged from Ugandan political and religious marginalisation and later operated from the DRC. The document argues that addressing these smaller, often 'inactive' groups is essential for regional stability, as they contribute to arms proliferation and resource exploitation despite lacking the strength to overthrow governments.

The document examines the link between poverty, human insecurity, and conflict in sub-Saharan Africa. It argues that the 'security first' approach of international donors is flawed because it focuses on state security while ignoring the structural economic collapse caused by neo-liberal structural adjustment programmes and unsustainable debt. The author describes 'new wars' in Africa as rational economic responses to exclusion, where warlords utilize global markets for lootable commodities. The paper advocates for a shift toward 'human security' and a significant increase in official development assistance (ODA) to meet Millennium Development Goals, warning that current donor strategies continue to prioritize market liberalization over genuine poverty alleviation.

The document details a seminar where Austrian and South African representatives, alongside academics, discussed the challenges of peacekeeping in Africa, the legitimacy of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the necessity of UN Security Council reform. It highlights the different strategic positions of Austria as a facilitator and South Africa as a regional power, while analyzing the 'Prodi report' on UN-AU peacekeeping cooperation.

The document provides a comprehensive guide for African legal practitioners on the role of defence counsel within the International Criminal Court (ICC). It argues that the legitimacy of international criminal justice depends on the fairness of trials, which requires competent defence teams and 'equality of arms' between the prosecution and the defence. The text addresses common myths regarding the ICC's perceived bias against Africa, detailing the court's structural mechanisms for protecting the rights of the accused, such as the Office of Public Counsel for the Defence (OPCD) and the legal aid system. It concludes with recommendations for African lawyers, bar associations, and the African Union to increase professional engagement with the ICC to strengthen both international and national criminal justice systems.

The document examines the gap between the IUCN's formal commitment to protect environmental defenders via Resolution 115 and the actual implementation of a global policy and action plan. It highlights the extreme risks faced by defenders globally and specifically in Africa, including gender-based violence against women defenders and the criminalization of activists. While noting a few regional projects and the importance of IUCN's public statements, the report argues that the organization remains largely reactive and lacks a systematic strategy, funding, and reporting mechanism to address the structural drivers of violence against those protecting nature.

The document examines the African Union's (AU) unprecedented attempt to use military compellence against the government of Burundi in December 2015. After diplomatic efforts and targeted sanctions failed to stop violence against civilians, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) issued an ultimatum threatening a non-consensual military intervention under Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act. The authors argue that this threat failed to materialise due to the Burundian government's strategic use of its status as a troop-contributing country, a lack of unity among AU member states, and a regional culture of autocracy where neighbouring leaders were reluctant to challenge the extension of presidential term limits.

The research finds that while Libyan arms significantly enhanced the military capacity of insurgents in Mali and the Sinai, the overall proliferation was less destabilizing and widespread than initially feared, abating after 2013 due to international interventions and increased domestic demand within Libya.

The document describes the DIADATA dataset, which lists diamond occurrences worldwide, including geographic coordinates, geological forms, and dates of discovery and production. It details the data collection process from academic, governmental, and industry sources, and explains the coding structure for variables such as geological form (primary, secondary, or marine) and production status. Additionally, it describes a 'compact version' of the dataset where sites within 50 km are aggregated into multipoints to reduce missing temporal data. The document includes detailed country profiles for 53 countries, outlining their diamond discovery and production histories.

The research identifies significant relational turbulence among South African peacekeepers returning from missions in the DRC, Darfur/Sudan, and Burundi. Key challenges include strained relationships with children, financial conflicts, and the struggle to renegotiate household boundaries within a patriarchal societal context. While soldiers receive institutional resilience training, their families often lack similar support, exacerbating the difficulty of reintegration.

The paper analyzes conflict dynamics in Africa from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 25 state-based conflicts in 2019, many of which are low-intensity or involve the Islamic State. While Africa faces rising non-state conflicts and one-sided violence, it also leads other regions in the number of definitive ceasefires and peace agreements. The study further details the growth of UN peacekeeping operations in the region from 1994 to 2018, highlighting a significant increase in troop deployment peaking in 2010.

The research analyzes the geographical evolution of African civil wars using the UCDP Georeferenced Event Dataset (GED). It argues that rebel groups with strong ethnic ties or significant military strength tend to maintain stable, localized conflict zones, whereas groups lacking these attributes—or those receiving external military support—are more likely to be 'roving.' The study finds that the greatest mobility occurs when rebels have neither strong local ties nor the strength to compete conventionally with government forces.