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The document details the differences between battery electric vehicles (BEVs) and plug-in hybrid electric vehicles (PHEVs), noting that BEVs produce less than half the carbon dioxide of conventional internal combustion engine vehicles. It highlights the U.S. market's heavy reliance on California for sales due to the Zero Emission Vehicle (ZEV) program and discusses the economic benefits of PEVs, such as lower fuel and maintenance costs. The text also outlines the current state of charging infrastructure, the downward trend in battery costs, and various federal and state incentives designed to accelerate adoption.

The document outlines the benefits of light-duty vehicle standards set by the EPA and NHTSA in 2012, highlighting fuel savings, job creation, and emissions reductions. It specifically notes that California households are projected to save $3,550 by 2030 and that the state has already saved $3.9 billion.

The document asserts that financial incentives, particularly the federal tax credit, are essential for bridging the price gap between electric vehicles (EVs) and gasoline cars while battery costs decline. It highlights that EVs offer significant fuel savings and lower global warming emissions, and that government support fosters domestic manufacturing and R&D. The brief warns that premature removal of these incentives would stall US leadership in EV technology, citing a sharp drop in sales in Georgia after its state tax credit ended in 2015.

The report argues that shifting from annual monocrops to farming systems with continuous living cover—such as perennials and cover crops—can create 'spongy' soils that reduce flood runoff and increase water availability during droughts. Based on a meta-analysis of 126 experiments and regional modeling in Iowa, the authors find that these practices improve water infiltration and soil porosity, potentially reducing rainfall runoff by up to 20% during floods and increasing crop water availability by up to 16% during droughts. The report concludes that current federal farm policies and crop insurance programs create barriers to these transitions and recommends USDA and Congressional reforms to incentivize ecological soil management.

The document argues that the PMRA's re-evaluation of glyphosate is flawed due to the dismissal of critical evidence concerning ecological risks, human health impacts, and the inefficiency of proposed risk management strategies.

The report identifies a significant price gap between sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) and conventional jet fuel as the primary barrier to adoption. It proposes that U.S. airports, specifically the Port of Seattle at Seattle-Tacoma International Airport, can overcome this by funding 'co-benefits'—such as air quality improvements and greenhouse gas reductions—rather than the fuel commodity itself. The authors evaluate 14 funding mechanisms and recommend a portfolio including corporate support, port taxing authority, general non-aeronautical revenue, and airline agreements to meet an estimated $6 million annual cost for a 1% SAF blend. Additionally, the report explores infrastructure financing, noting that long-term co-benefit procurement contracts can de-risk private investment in regional SAF production.

The Union of Concerned Scientists identifies several California communities, including Alameda and San Mateo, that face 'chronic flooding'—defined as high tides flooding 10% or more of usable land at least 26 times per year—by the end of the century. Under a high-emission scenario, these impacts could arrive by 2080. Critical national security infrastructure, such as the Naval Station San Diego, is also at risk. The document argues that limiting global warming to 1.8°C could prevent any California community from reaching the chronic flooding threshold by 2100 and urges immediate policy reforms regarding coastal development, disaster funding, and population relocation.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) identifies several California communities, including Alameda and San Mateo, that face 'chronic inundation'—defined as high tide flooding 10% or more of usable land at least 26 times per year—by 2100 under intermediate sea level rise scenarios. In a high-rise scenario, this timeline accelerates to 2080. The report highlights specific risks to military installations in San Diego and developing neighborhoods in San Francisco. However, the document notes that limiting warming to approximately 1.8°C (the 'low' scenario) could prevent any California community from reaching the 10% chronic inundation threshold by the end of the century. To address these risks, the UCS advocates for halting risky coastal development, enhancing disaster response funding, and creating new policies for managed retreat and relocation.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) defines 'chronic inundation' as tidal flooding affecting 10% or more of a community's usable land at least 26 times per year. Under a moderate (intermediate) scenario, nearly 170 communities will reach this threshold by 2035, increasing to over 270 by 2060 and nearly 490 by 2100. A high scenario projects up to 670 communities affected by 2100, including over 50 populous cities such as New York City (four boroughs), Boston, and Oakland. The report highlights that socioeconomically vulnerable neighborhoods are disproportionately affected and argues that aggressive emissions reductions aligned with the Paris Agreement could spare hundreds of communities from this fate. Adaptation options include defending (seawalls, levees), accommodating (elevating homes, pumps), and managed retreat.

The briefing outlines the role of the 2018 Facilitative Dialogue (FD 2018) as the first progress assessment under the Paris Agreement. It emphasizes the need for a process that combines technical and political components, incorporates inputs from non-state actors and multilateral institutions, and utilizes the IPCC special report on 1.5 degrees C to signal a collective commitment to enhanced climate ambition by 2020.

The document asserts that the Paris Agreement is a universal and flexible framework essential for stabilizing global temperature increases below 2°C. It characterizes the U.S. decision to withdraw as an "historical mistake" that could increase future global temperature rises by up to 0.3°C and isolate the U.S. internationally. However, the authors note that a "domino effect" of other nations withdrawing has not occurred, as key players like China, the European Union, and India remain committed. The text highlights that the transition to clean energy is driven by economic opportunity, noting support from major U.S. companies, the divestment from coal by Blackrock, and the competitiveness of renewables, exemplified by subsidy-free auctions in Spain. Internal U.S. opposition is also noted, specifically from the governors of California, New York, and Washington.

The authors assert that the Paris Agreement's universal and flexible design allows it to persist despite the United States' withdrawal. While the US exit is described as a historical mistake that could increase global temperatures by up to 0.3°C, the authors note that key players like China, the EU, and India remain committed. They highlight that the transition to clean energy is driven by economic opportunities, with major US companies and financial institutions like Blackrock divesting from fossil fuels and supporting the agreement for the sake of stability. Additionally, internal US opposition from governors in California, New York, and Washington suggests a continued domestic effort to reduce emissions.

The authors describe the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement as a historical, economic, and geopolitical error that could slow global progress but may also act as a catalyst for other nations and US subnational entities to maintain climate commitments.

The document asserts that the Paris Agreement's universal and flexible nature allows it to proceed without the United States. It characterizes the U.S. withdrawal as a historical, economic, and geopolitical error that ignores climate science and risks isolating the country. However, it notes that key actors like China, India, and the European Union remain committed, and that internal U.S. resistance from states like California, New York, and Washington, as well as support from major corporations, provides a counterweight to the federal decision.

The document critiques the 2010 MOU between California, Acre, and Chiapas, which aimed to link California's cap-and-trade system with jurisdictional REDD+ programs in Brazil and Mexico. It argues that these market-based mechanisms lead to human rights violations, territorial conflicts, and the marginalization of indigenous peoples. In Acre, the report highlights methodological flaws in emission baselines and the failure of social projects. In Chiapas, it notes the rise of land-grabbing for African palm monocultures and significant public debt to the World Bank and IDB. The report concludes that REDD+ serves as a tool for capital accumulation rather than a genuine solution to climate change, recommending a shift toward recognizing land tenure and autonomous territorial management.

The report critiques the 2010 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between California, Acre, and Chiapas, which aimed to link jurisdictional REDD+ programs to California's cap-and-trade system. It argues that these mechanisms prioritize market logic over structural climate causes, leading to land grabbing, the criminalization of traditional practices, and the marginalization of indigenous peoples. In Acre, the report identifies methodological flaws in emission accounting and failures in community-level projects. In Chiapas, it highlights the expropriation of territories for agrofuel monocultures and increasing public debt. The document concludes that REDD+ safeguards are largely rhetorical and recommends the exclusion of carbon markets and offsets from environmental policy.

The document outlines stakeholder feedback on the California Air Resources Board's (ARB) CCS Concept Paper, arguing that CCS is critical for California's GHG goals but requires flexible, risk-based regulatory frameworks to attract investment. The authors advocate for the integration of CCS into both the Low Carbon Fuel Standard and Cap & Trade programs, express skepticism toward a 'checkbox' approach for permanence protocols, and propose a tiered, performance-based system for post-injection monitoring instead of arbitrary 50- or 100-year default periods.

India can reduce its passenger road-based energy demand by 64% and carbon emissions by 37% by 2030 by adopting a 'transformative' mobility paradigm. This approach emphasizes a shift from private vehicle ownership to a system based on shared, electric, and connected services. The report outlines a three-phased implementation strategy (2017–2032) focusing on system integration, shared infrastructure, and scaled manufacturing. Key recommendations include establishing a central data sharing institution, implementing 'feebates' and ZEV credits, and developing standardized swappable batteries for 2- and 3-wheelers. The proposed 'change model' utilizes a national learning platform and regional 'lighthouse' change labs to scale economically viable solutions from the state to the national level.

The report examines the potential for electric vehicles to act as flexible loads to balance electricity supply and demand, particularly to mitigate the 'duck curve' caused by high solar penetration. It analyzes technical barriers, utility roles, and rate designs, concluding that managed charging can reduce system costs and emissions if aligned with clean energy availability.

The document examines how California's LCFS and Cap-and-Trade Program work together to reduce transportation emissions. The LCFS mandates a reduction in the carbon intensity of fuels, while Cap-and-Trade puts a price on carbon and generates revenue for clean technology investments. The author argues that neither policy is sufficient alone and recommends extending both to 2030 to provide the stability needed for long-term infrastructure and vehicle transitions.