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The Amazon Soy Moratorium (ASM), established in 2006, prevents the purchase of soy grown on land deforested after 2008 in the Amazon biome. Between 2009 and 2022, deforestation dropped by 69% in monitored municipalities. Signatories argue that dismantling the ASM would unlock 1.1 million hectares for soy cultivation, potentially releasing 300 million tonnes of CO₂ within 1 to 2 years and opening approximately 10 million hectares of deforested land to soybean cultivation. The pledge calls for continued adherence to the 2008 cut-off and urges Brazilian authorities to maintain the ASM to align economic development with environmental stewardship.

The author contends that the climate crisis is driven by unchecked corporate power and a global legal system that protects polluters. Using the case of Chevron in Ecuador—where the company is accused of dumping 60 billion liters of toxic waste and avoiding a $9.5 billion court-ordered cleanup—the text criticizes Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms for prioritizing corporate profits over human rights and environmental protection. The author calls for a systemic change and international regulatory frameworks to hold corporations accountable, urging the global climate movement to center the justice of affected communities ahead of COP30.

An opinion piece by Pablo Fajardo detailing the environmental crimes of Chevron in Ecuador and calling for a systemic overhaul of international legal frameworks, such as ISDS, to ensure corporate accountability as a prerequisite for global climate action.

The author, representing the Union of People Affected by Texaco-now Chevron, asserts that the climate crisis is a result of corporate power and a global system that protects polluters. Using Chevron's actions in Ecuador—including the dumping of 60 billion litres of toxic waste and the use of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) systems to evade a US$ 9.5 billion judgment—as a primary example, the text calls for the dismantling of pro-corporate legal frameworks. The author argues that without holding transnational corporations accountable, climate pledges remain hollow, and urges the global climate movement to prioritize justice for affected communities at COP30.

Friends of the Earth International asserts that transnational corporations (TNCs) drive the climate and ecological crises while utilizing an international legal architecture to avoid accountability. The organization advocates for the UN Binding Treaty on Transnational Corporations and Human Rights as a necessary mechanism to prioritize human rights and planetary health over corporate profit. The text specifically denounces the influence of corporate lobbying groups, such as the International Organisation of Employers and the International Chamber of Commerce, which it claims seek to weaken the treaty by promoting voluntary codes of conduct and self-regulation. It emphasizes that climate justice is a human rights struggle led by affected communities, particularly in the Global South, and links the treaty's success to the broader goal of dismantling corporate power ahead of COP30.

The document argues that despite the COP 28 agreement to transition away from fossil fuels, production and consumption continue to rise. It proposes that COP 30 adopt differentiated timelines for phasing out fossil fuels based on national wealth and historical responsibility, and calls for an immediate end to new fossil fuel exploration and expansion. Key financial recommendations include ending public financing for fossil fuels, reforming subsidies, and establishing the Belém Action Mechanism for Just Transition to coordinate climate finance.

The briefing outlines key objectives for the third UN Ocean Conference (UNOC) in Nice, France, emphasizing the need to scale up funding for SDG 14, integrate ocean-based solutions into national climate plans (NDCs), accelerate the ratification of the High Seas Treaty, and implement 100% sustainable ocean management through Sustainable Ocean Plans.

The document argues that despite the COP 28 agreement to transition away from fossil fuels, production continues to rise, led by wealthy nations. It calls for COP 30 to establish differentiated phase-out timelines based on historical responsibility, mandate annual progress reports, and launch the Belém Action Mechanism for Just Transition. The briefing emphasizes that the transition is economically feasible if Global North countries redirect fossil fuel subsidies and tax polluters to mobilize over USD 5,000 billion annually for climate finance, prioritizing grants over loans to avoid exacerbating debt in the Global South.

The document defines adaptation finance as funding intended to enhance resilience to climate risks, such as strengthening infrastructure and developing drought-tolerant crops. It highlights a significant funding gap, noting that developing countries may need between $215 and $387 billion annually by 2030, while current levels are far lower. The text identifies barriers to accessing these funds, including high costs of capital and limited institutional capacity in least developed countries. It also contrasts adaptation finance with mitigation finance, which receives more funding due to more immediate financial returns. Finally, it discusses international commitments under the UNFCCC and the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) to scale up climate finance by 2035.

The 2025 UN Climate Change Conference, including COP30, CMA7, CMP20, SBI63, and SBSTA63, will take place from November 10 to 21, 2025, in Belém, Brasil. The event is presided over by André Corrêa do Lago and features a thematic program covering adaptation, health, climate justice, nature, agriculture, energy, and transport. The venue is divided into a UNFCCC-managed 'Blue Zone' for negotiations and a host-country-managed 'Green Zone' for public engagement, with a dedicated youth-led space in the Blue Zone. Logistics include a 24-hour system of 15 bus lines for transportation and accommodation managed via bnetwork.

The briefing outlines Brazil's updated NDC targets for 2035 and argues that the successful implementation of these goals depends on a strong 'Plano Clima' and a collaborative relationship with the private sector. It identifies key opportunities and barriers across land use, agriculture, energy, transport, and industry, while proposing mechanisms to increase transparency and corporate transition planning ahead of COP30.

The report argues that Brazil's agribusiness sector, dominated by giants like JBS, MBRF, and Minerva, exerts systemic control over political and public narratives to avoid climate regulation. It highlights a critical 'blind spot' in Brazil's updated NDC, which omits agricultural methane emissions despite the sector accounting for 75.6% of the country's total methane. The document details how the 'ruralist caucus' (FPA) controls Congress and pushes for controversial methane metrics like GWP* to downplay warming impacts. It also exposes the 'AgriZone' and other industry-led events surrounding COP30 as tools for greenwashing, while noting that structural weaknesses in the Climate Plan, Tax Reform, and Forest Code continue to favour industrial agriculture over sustainable agroecological farming.

The report finds that climate and health policies in Brazil are currently poorly connected, though there is a growing movement toward integration. Stakeholders identify significant barriers, including political polarization, a lack of risk perception, and institutional silos. However, they see opportunities in the upcoming COP30, the wide reach of the Unified Health System (SUS), and Brazil's renewable energy strengths. Recommended strategies include improving scientific communication, adopting 'Planetary Health' and 'One Health' frameworks, and increasing intersectoral governance to create a more resilient national health and climate infrastructure.

The document identifies 14 distinct tactics of climate obstruction used during UNFCCC negotiations, ranging from overt rejection to subtle procedural delays. It argues that obstruction is unevenly distributed, with wealthier and fossil-fuel-producing nations exercising disproportionate influence. The brief maps these tactics across negotiation stages and predicts their likely application at COP30 in areas such as the Global Goal on Adaptation, fossil fuel phase-outs, and climate finance.

The 2025 Impact Report details the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative's progress in securing diplomatic support, engaging subnational governments, and conducting research to create a 1.5ºC-aligned mechanism for phasing out fossil fuels. Key achievements include the announcement of the First International Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels for April 2026, the addition of Cambodia and Saint Kitts and Nevis to the participating nations, and a resolution in support of the treaty passed by the IUCN. The initiative has grown to include 18 participating countries from the Global South, over 140 cities, and 4,200 civil society organizations.

Brazil possesses a significant carbon competitiveness advantage due to its renewable-heavy electricity grid, but faces substantial risks from incoming Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanisms (CBAMs) and the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR). While 78% of its exports go to net zero-aligned markets, structural contradictions—such as continued fossil fuel exploration and the 'Devastation Bill'—threaten its climate credibility. The economy is heavily dependent on China, and recent unilateral tariffs from the US have introduced significant geopolitical volatility.

The document is an open letter from a broad coalition of individuals and organizations calling for COP30 to move beyond the mere recognition of climate disinformation and instead implement binding, verifiable measures to protect information integrity. It argues that coordinated disinformation, primarily funded by the fossil fuel industry, sabotages the energy transition, threatens public health and human rights, and undermines the goals of the Paris Agreement. The signatories call on governments to regulate tech platforms that profit from manipulative content and demand an end to greenwashing and the monetization of disinformation.

The report assesses gender inequalities and diversity challenges in the Amazon Basin, highlighting disparities in land tenure, political representation, and access to water and sanitation. It emphasizes the critical role of indigenous women in biodiversity conservation and the disproportionate impact of climate change on vulnerable populations.

The text discusses Brazil's leadership in the G-20 to establish a Bioeconomy Initiative focused on science, technology, innovation, and sustainable biodiversity use. It emphasizes the need for 'High-Level Principles' to be included in the Rio Declaration to align member economies toward equity and sustainability. A critical barrier identified is the financing gap, with climate finance needs estimated at US$ 8.1 trillion annually from 2030, far exceeding the US$ 1.3 trillion average seen between 2021 and 2022. The authors call for a transition where nature-rich countries, particularly in the Global South, can generate wealth through biodiversity-based development models.

The document argues that incorporating just transition strategies into NDCs is essential for increasing the ambition and effectiveness of climate action. It notes that only 31% of current NDCs include social dimensions and suggests that those that do are more likely to attract necessary international investment. The author calls for the Just Transition Work Programme to provide technical and institutional capacity building to help policymakers draft feasible targets and mainstream social justice.