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The Green Climate Fund (GCF) Accreditation Panel recommends the accreditation of Joint Stock Company TBC Bank (APL113), a leading Georgian banking group, for medium-sized projects with high environmental and social risk (Category I-1). While the bank fully meets basic fiduciary, environmental, and social standards, the panel identified gaps in its procurement oversight of executing entities, public information disclosure for on-lending operations, and a track record of gender assessments in climate projects. These gaps are addressed through specific conditions for accreditation.

The report alleges that the Trump Ocean Club in Panama was used to launder illicit funds from Colombian narcotics trafficking and Russian criminal networks. It highlights the role of broker Alexandre Henrique Ventura Nogueira in facilitating these sales through anonymous shell companies and 'special purpose vehicles'. The document argues that Donald Trump and his family benefited financially from these transactions while failing to conduct due diligence on buyers, reflecting a broader pattern of licensing his brand to high-risk projects in jurisdictions with weak anti-money laundering controls.

Global Witness calls for the removal of fossil fuel industry influence from the COP process, citing conflicts of interest and the industry's role in the climate crisis. The organization highlights instances of fossil fuel lobbyists and petrostate officials leveraging their positions at COP29 and previous summits to broker oil and gas deals, arguing that such influence undermines the diplomatic efforts required to transition away from fossil fuels.

Global Witness argues that UNEA-6 missed a critical opportunity to regulate the mining industry for the energy transition. While a digital knowledge hub for environmental protection was established, the final resolution removed mandates for assessing regulations, tackling human rights violations, and addressing colonial extraction patterns due to resistance from several Member States. The document also highlights a lack of action on resource overconsumption by wealthy nations and calls for the UN and upcoming COP meetings in Azerbaijan and Brazil to prioritize a just energy transition and Indigenous rights.

The report alleges that ADNOC, led by COP28 President Sultan Al-Jaber, pursued nearly $100 billion in fossil fuel deals during the UAE's year as host, contradicting public claims that the summit was not used for commercial gain. It details specific targets in countries like Brazil, Azerbaijan, and China, and argues that the COP28 final text's ambiguous language on 'transitioning away' from fossil fuels allows ADNOC to expand production while appearing compliant with climate goals.

Global Witness critiques COP29 as a 'playground for fossil fuel lobbyists,' noting that the summit failed to mention a transition away from oil and gas and provided insufficient climate finance for developing nations. The organization highlights systemic flaws, including the hosting of summits in petrostates and the repression of civil society in Azerbaijan, while calling for structural reforms to prioritize vulnerable communities over polluting industries.

Global Witness predicts that climate disinformation will increase in 2025, driven by extreme weather events, the monetization of climate denial via AdTech and generative AI, and targeted campaigns against climate defenders during COP30 in Brazil. The organization calls for the robust enforcement of the EU's Digital Services Act to hold social media platforms accountable.

The document examines how valuable minerals can finance violence, trigger local conflicts, and weaken state governance through corruption. It provides lessons learned for development interventions, such as empowering local communities, supporting artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), and promoting corporate responsibility. The toolkit includes a survey instrument for risk assessment and lists USAID contracting mechanisms and international partners to address mineral-related conflict.

Natural Justice is an African organisation dedicated to social and environmental justice, employing a "Litigation Plus" approach that combines legal empowerment, research, policy influence, and strategic litigation. In 2024, the organisation supported over 30 strategic lawsuits across Africa, including successful challenges against Shell's seismic testing in South Africa and the annulment of an Environmental Impact Assessment for Sosian Energy Ltd in Kenya. The organisation also focuses on securing land tenure, protecting indigenous biocultural heritage in Namibia and Madagascar, and defending environmental defenders, notably supporting 180 activists through an emergency fund, including those protesting the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) in Uganda. Additionally, Natural Justice engages in global policy advocacy at UN biodiversity and climate summits to promote human rights-based approaches to conservation and energy transitions.

The authors present a dataset of 357 armed conflict episodes (1946–2006) to track post-conflict justice (PCJ) processes. PCJ is defined as any process initiated within five years of a conflict's end to address wrongdoings. The dataset identifies six primary tools: trials, truth commissions, reparations, amnesties, purges, and exiles. Preliminary analysis shows that the choice of justice mechanism is influenced by conflict intensity, incompatibility (territorial vs. government control), and the type of termination (victory vs. bargained solution). For instance, trials are more frequent after decisive victories, while amnesties are more common after bargained solutions and in high-intensity civil wars.

The research examines why some ethnopolitical movements are fragmented while others are unified, using a dataset of self-determination movements and a case study of Punjab, India. The authors find that competitive dynamics—specifically state repression, the accommodation of demands, the onset of civil war, and diversifying political demands—significantly increase movement fragmentation. While transnational factors like foreign fighters and mediation also contribute to division during wartime, structural factors such as linguistic sub-cleavages and geographic dispersion showed no significant correlation. The Punjab case study illustrates how events like Operation Bluestar and the failed Rajiv-Longowal Accord triggered proliferation of militant and political organizations.

The paper maps the disparate research and practice of 'business-peace' interactions into five core assertions: economic engagement creating a peace dividend, local development building peace capacities, importing international norms for accountability, constraining conflict drivers, and direct corporate diplomacy. While proponents argue these activities foster stability and development, critics warn of neo-colonial exploitation, 'peacewashing', and the risk of exacerbating local inequalities. The author concludes that business contributions are often limited by the willingness of local regimes and the priority of profit over courageous ethical choices in fragile contexts.

The report estimates that a reunification of Cyprus would provide Turkey with an annual peace dividend of EUR 17.4 billion (3.5% of 2009 GDP), comprising EUR 5.1 billion in savings and EUR 12.3 billion in additional export revenue. Key gains for Turkey include the potential for EUR 7 billion from financial and business services, EUR 1.7 billion from transport, and EUR 1.6 billion from tourism. Additionally, Turkey could see foreign direct investment (FDI) rise to EUR 33 billion per year. Greece is projected to benefit from EUR 2.3 billion in annual military savings, EUR 19.8 billion in FDI, and various gains in tourism and energy transit. The document highlights energy as the greatest opportunity, noting that a settlement would unblock Turkey's EU accession energy chapter and facilitate projects like Blue Stream-2.

The document examines the shift in Russian foreign policy under President Dmitry Medvedev, analyzing the tension between his proposed 'modernization' and the 'hard power' approach demonstrated during the 2008 conflict in Georgia. It explores Russia's strategic interests in the 'near abroad' (CIS), its pursuit of a multipolar world order to counter US unilateralism, and its complex relationships with the EU, China, and the US. Key themes include the use of energy as a political tool, the militarization of the Arctic, and the role of international law and institutions like the OSCE and Council of Europe.

The report details ADNOC's plans to increase oil production by 25% by 2030, identifying it as a major global expansionist whose activities are largely incompatible with IEA Net Zero scenarios. It highlights the involvement of international 'carbon majors' and banks in financing these projects, the use of carbon capture for enhanced oil recovery, and the threat posed to the Marawah Biosphere Reserve by the Ghasha Mega Project.

The Republic of Armenia's Third Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC 3.0) for 2026-2035 outlines economy-wide greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and comprehensive adaptation strategies to address high climate vulnerability in a landlocked, mountainous region.

The document highlights a severe imbalance in climate finance, noting that adaptation funding reached only USD 76 billion in 2022, representing barely 5 percent of total flows. It criticizes the lack of quantitative clarity in the NCQG regarding adaptation allocations and proposes several options for setting a credible quantum and institutional home for a post-2025 adaptation finance goal.

The briefing examines the climate policy landscapes of the U.S. and China, noting that while the U.S. lacks a national carbon price, it has significant subnational activity. China has established the world's largest emissions trading scheme (ETS) but maintains that it is not obligated to provide international climate finance as a developing nation. Both countries are advancing corporate climate disclosure rules, though they differ on the requirement for Scope 3 emissions. The paper suggests cooperation on sustainable procurement, data standards for emission accounting, and subnational carbon market exchanges.

The project addressed climate-driven water scarcity for goitered gazelles in the Gakh and Sumakh Protected Areas by creating six watering holes. In Azerbaijan, water was piped 5 miles from a mountain spring using natural flow, while in Georgia, solar-powered pumps moved water from the Iori River canal to three holes 2.5 miles away.

The document identifies bottling partners across the Coca-Cola system that have implemented ten energy-efficiency measures. These measures are designed to help the company achieve up to 70 percent of its carbon reduction target while providing financial returns and environmental benefits. The text provides a chronological list of plants that completed the challenge between August 2012 and May 2018.