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The OSCE has struggled to implement its 2004 Gender Action Plan due to increased political polarisation, a consensus-based decision-making rule that grants all 57 participating States veto power, and budget constraints. While conservative states and the Holy See have resisted the 'gender' agenda, the document argues that the OSCE's field missions provide a critical opportunity to implement gender-oriented policies on the ground, provided their autonomy is protected from political turmoil.

The report evaluates the APRM, OGP, and EITI, finding that while the OGP and EITI successfully employ peer learning and pressure to enforce standards and protect civil society, the APRM lags behind due to a lack of critical engagement and a failure to implement sanctions for non-compliance.

The report finds that while MSIs like the APRM, OGP, and EITI produce significant research on governance, they remain largely unknown to the general public and are often perceived as esoteric, technical exercises for elites. A media monitoring survey from mid-2016 to mid-2017 showed that the EITI has the highest media footprint, followed by the OGP, with the APRM lagging behind. The authors argue that MSIs struggle with 'open-washing,' where governments join for publicity without intending to reform, and that their reports are often too long and technical for journalists to translate into public action. To increase impact, the report recommends that MSIs move beyond merely informing the public toward mobilizing citizens through strategic alliances with social movements, using local languages and radio, and adopting a more aggressive 'naming and shaming' approach for non-compliant members.

The report examines how civil society organizations (CSOs) engage with the Open Government Partnership (OGP), a multi-stakeholder initiative (MSI) designed to increase government transparency and civic participation. Through case studies of Georgia, South Africa, and Indonesia, the authors analyze the gap between the OGP's 'co-creation' aspirations and the reality of government dominance. Georgia is presented as a success story where a permanent multi-stakeholder forum fostered genuine partnership, while South Africa is characterized by tokenism and a lack of political will. Indonesia's experience is described as mixed, with active CSOs facing logistical hurdles and a restrictive political environment. The report concludes that while MSIs can open spaces for dialogue, their success depends on political commitment, institutional structures like permanent forums, and the ability of CSOs to form strategic coalitions.

The Practitioner’s Guide to Developing River Basin Report Cards outlines a five-step process—identifying values/threats, choosing indicators, defining thresholds, calculating scores, and communicating results—to synthesize complex ecological, social, and economic data into simple grades. It emphasizes the necessity of stakeholder engagement, the role of 'champions' in driving policy change, and strategies for overcoming barriers such as insufficient data, political resistance, and trans-boundary complexities. Through case studies from the USA, Colombia, India, the Philippines, and Australia, the guide demonstrates how these tools can increase public awareness and influence resource allocation and management decisions.

The report analyzes GHG mitigation in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan, finding that while these countries have high GHG intensity due to fossil fuel reliance, significant low-cost abatement is possible through energy efficiency and fuel switching. It proposes specific Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) and investment concepts for each country to transition toward low-carbon growth.

Manish Bapna, representing the World Resources Institute and the Open Government Partnership (OGP), argues that while open government cannot solve all global crises alone, it is a necessary prerequisite for solving them. He identifies a failure of governance evidenced by the rise of populism, extreme poverty, and climate change. To combat this, he proposes five steps: protecting civic space, fostering citizen-centered governance, pursuing transformational rather than incremental change, improving tangible quality-of-life outcomes (such as clean air and water), and reinvigorating political leadership to deepen the impact of OGP commitments.

The text advocates for awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to Svetlana Alekseevna Gannushkina, highlighting her work with the Civic Assistance Committee and her efforts to protect refugees and migrants in Russia. It details her role in providing legal support to over 50,000 individuals and her activism in the North Caucasus and Nagorno-Karabakh. The author asserts that such an award would signal international disapproval of President Putin's undermining of human rights and civil society in Russia.

The policy brief examines the 'special partnership' between Russia and Turkey, noting that while they disagree on the Syrian civil war, they share autocratic political instincts and a mutual desire to curtail US interventionism. The author argues that Russia can boost its Middle Eastern role through joint initiatives with Turkey, leveraging the personal chemistry between Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. While energy ties—specifically natural gas pipelines and the Akkuyu nuclear power plant—provide a foundation, the document suggests that the leaders' shared 'contrarian' tendencies and need for foreign policy victories are primary drivers for potential cooperation in Northern Syria and the South Caucasus.

The report examines the 'peace potential' of oil and gas resources, analyzing how joint development, revenue sharing, and infrastructure projects like pipelines can either mitigate or fuel conflict. It contrasts successful cooperation, such as the Saudi-Kuwaiti Partitioned Neutral Zone and Turkey-Iraqi Kurdish relations, with failures in the Caucasus and disputes in the South China Sea and Eastern Mediterranean. The study also addresses the role of international environmental law and the climate impact of transitioning from coal to natural gas.

The document analyzes the 2014 annexation of Crimea, arguing that while Russia violated the political commitments of the 1994 Budapest Memorandum and the Crimean authorities violated Ukrainian constitutional law, the legal status of the annexation is complex due to the nature of 'memorandums' versus treaties and the restrictive application of the 'right to self-determination' in international law. It concludes that the Security Council is unable to act due to Russia's veto, leaving the region in a state where it is legally considered part of Ukraine by most states but practically controlled by Russia.

The report examines how ICTs impact sustainability across first, second, and third-order effects. It criticizes the Rio+20 summit for failing to systematically address the information society and calls for a new, multistakeholder approach to bridge the paradigm gap between the ICT and sustainable development communities.

The document examines the role of global governance in Africa's mining sector, focusing on the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), the Kimberley Process (KP), and the Diamond Development Initiative (DDI). It argues that while these initiatives promote ethical corporate behavior and transparency, they face significant challenges in monitoring, compliance, and addressing human rights abuses. The author highlights a disconnect between mineral wealth and human development, noting that countries like the DRC, Angola, and Sierra Leone remain low in Human Development Index rankings despite their resources.

The paper examines the 'resource curse'—the tendency for resource-rich countries to experience low economic growth—through centralised and decentralised political economy models. It argues that the curse is not inevitable but depends on the presence of 'impartiality-enhancing institutions' that curb favouritism and rent-seeking. The authors critique current donor initiatives, such as the EITI and Norway's Oil for Development programme, for focusing too narrowly on revenue transparency and technical capacity rather than the broader institutional reforms and societal accountability required to address the root causes of the curse.

The document provides a comprehensive dataset of country profiles detailing the history of petroleum exploration, first discovery dates, first production years, and the geographic distribution of oil and gas reserves across numerous nations globally, with data current up to 2004.

The paper examines how National Revenue Funds (NRFs) can mitigate the 'resource curse'—the negative correlation between natural resource wealth and economic growth. It argues that while NRFs can theoretically smooth expenditures and prevent 'Dutch Disease', their success depends more on the political-economic environment and institutional strength than on technical design. The author suggests that in countries with weak institutions, NRFs should be established through nation-wide multi-stakeholder consultations and given constitutional status to prevent unilateral government manipulation.

The document outlines the processes for using the OPIC Accountability Mechanism, specifically the Compliance Review and Problem-Solving paths, and details the U.S. laws and international standards OPIC must follow.

The report analyzes the landscape of investor-state disputes in 2006, noting a shift toward non-ICSID arbitration venues and a lack of transparency in ad hoc proceedings. It examines specific cases involving land reform, intellectual property, and privatization, while highlighting legal contradictions in rulings against Argentina. The document also discusses the practice of 'treaty-shopping' and the ongoing debate over the distinction between legitimate government regulation and indirect expropriation.

The report examines the rapid growth of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) and their dual potential to either build peace through economic interdependence or trigger conflict due to power imbalances and social dislocation. While the European Union is cited as a successful model of integration and stability, the authors argue that this trajectory is not automatic for other regions, particularly in the developing world. The document highlights that poorly designed RTAs can cement inequalities, create 'winners and losers' within domestic populations, and fail to prevent inter-state wars. It also discusses the trend of 'good governance' conditionality in North-South agreements and concludes that while isolation is dangerous, an uncritical rush toward regional integration without considering political contexts can be counterproductive.

The report identifies critical environment and security risks in the Southern Caucasus, focusing on environmental degradation in conflict zones, cross-border resource management, and rapid urban growth in capital cities. It details national vulnerabilities in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, including Soviet industrial legacies, seismic risks, and water scarcity, while proposing a multi-pillar work programme for vulnerability assessment, policy development, and institutional capacity building.