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The World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) advocates for communication rights—including freedom of expression and access to information—as essential for human dignity and the achievement of the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). WACC operates through three main pillars: Digital Justice, Climate Justice, and Gender Justice. Its work involves capacity building, research, education, and advocacy to empower marginalized communities, combat digital disinformation and misogyny, and ensure local voices are included in climate debates. Key initiatives include the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) and the Voices of the Amazon project.

The Amazon Soy Moratorium, which prevented the purchase of soy from land deforested after July 2008, has collapsed after more than twenty companies, including ADM, Bunge, Cargill, and Louis Dreyfus, withdrew. This policy previously saved 17,000 square kilometres of rainforest in its first decade and allowed the soy industry to expand by over six million acres in the Brazilian Amazon by using previously converted lands. The author warns that the collapse could expose 3 million acres of forest to deforestation and increase Amazon deforestation by up to 30% by 2045, contradicting corporate pledges to eliminate ecosystem destruction. The text criticizes retailers like Sainsbury’s and E.Leclerc for failing to impose commercial consequences on the traders responsible.

The document argues that climate justice is unattainable without 'communication justice'—the ability of all people to access, share, and be heard in public discourse. It highlights how digital divides, language barriers, and coordinated disinformation campaigns by the fossil fuel industry undermine climate action. Through case studies in Zimbabwe and the Amazon, it advocates for blending AI and digital tools with indigenous knowledge and community-led media to build resilience. The text calls for mandatory information integrity standards and a shift toward 'constructive journalism' to combat climate fatigue and empower vulnerable populations in the Global South.

The report analyzes 22 extreme weather events in 2025, noting that despite weak La Nina conditions, global temperatures remained exceptionally high due to human-driven emissions. It emphasizes that warming of approximately 1.3°C has intensified heatwaves, droughts, and floods, with a specific focus on how women and marginalized groups bear a disproportionate burden. The document also identifies a critical gap in climate science, where a lack of observational data in the Global South hinders confident analysis of rainfall events. Finally, it argues that while adaptation is necessary, events like Hurricane Melissa in the Caribbean demonstrate that adaptation has limits and cannot replace the urgent need for rapid emission reductions.

The document outlines the current state of global deforestation, noting that 8.1 million hectares were lost in 2024 and that the world is off track to meet the COP26 goal of halting and reversing deforestation by 2030. It identifies agriculture as the primary driver, accounting for 86% of global deforestation over the last decade, and highlights the critical role of old-growth forests in carbon storage. The guide also notes that climate-driven risks, particularly wildfires, have become leading causes of forest loss, with fire becoming the principal driver of tropical forest loss for the first time in 2024.

The statement asserts that the global economy is highly exposed to nature and climate risks, with potential GDP losses of $2.7 trillion annually by 2030. It identifies key opportunities for transformation, including the alignment of trade policy with the Paris Agreement and the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework, the reform of the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the elimination of environmentally harmful subsidies. The author calls for a shift from short-term crisis management to strategic, long-term sectoral pathways consistent with net-zero and nature-positive goals, suggesting the use of plurilateral agreements and initiatives like the Integrated Forum on Climate Change and Trade.

The People's Summit declaration identifies the capitalist mode of production and transnational corporations as the primary drivers of the climate crisis. It rejects market-based 'false solutions' and calls for a transition based on popular sovereignty, the recognition of ancestral knowledge, and the redistribution of wealth from the Global North to the Global South. The document emphasizes the intersection of climate action with feminism, anti-imperialism, and the protection of indigenous territories.

The Peoples’ Summit declaration identifies the capitalist mode of production and transnational corporations as the primary causes of the climate crisis. It rejects market-based 'false solutions' and the current model of multilateralism, calling instead for a 'just, sovereign and popular transition.' Key demands include the demarcation of indigenous lands, popular agrarian reform, the end of fossil fuel exploitation, and the redirection of military spending toward climate repair. The document emphasizes feminist justice, the recognition of ancestral knowledge, and the need for international climate finance to bypass institutions like the IMF and World Bank to address the socio-environmental debt owed to the global South.

The People's Summit declaration argues that the capitalist mode of production and transnational corporations are the root causes of the climate crisis and environmental racism. It rejects market-based 'false solutions' and the current multilateral system, calling instead for the recognition of ancestral knowledge, the protection of indigenous territories, and a sovereign, popular energy transition. The document demands the end of fossil fuel extraction, the redistribution of wealth from the global north to the south as socio-environmental debt, and the implementation of agroecology and feminist care work as central to planetary survival.

The Sapara Nation in Ecuador manages 322,029 hectares of high-biodiversity rainforest through a spiritual cosmovision and traditional governance. While the community of Llanchamacocha has established strict conservation zones like Kamunguishi and sustainable ecotourism via the Naku project, they face significant threats from oil exploration (specifically blocks 79 and 83), illegal logging, and internal fragmentation. State-led incentive programs like Socio Bosque (PSB) have provided financial support but also triggered internal conflicts over benefit distribution. The document argues that long-term conservation requires full legal land titling, respect for Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), and financing mechanisms that align with indigenous spiritual values and autonomy.

The report examines Bolivia's conservation landscape, highlighting a tension between formal state strategies and local practices. While Bolivia has a robust system of protected areas and land tenure, conservation outside these areas is often hindered by state priorities favoring extractivism and agribusiness. The document argues that indigenous territories and community-led initiatives offer significant potential for OECM recognition, provided that the state shifts toward a more inclusive, less bureaucratic, and better-funded support system that aligns with local livelihoods.

The report examines the potential for implementing OECMs (meccs) in Brazil to achieve the '30x30' biodiversity goals. It analyzes various spatial mechanisms, including protected areas (UCs), Indigenous lands (TIs), Quilombola territories (TQs), and private lands. The document highlights that while formal protected areas are established, significant conservation occurs in traditional territories and private lands that lack formal recognition. It identifies land tenure insecurity as a primary obstacle to inclusive conservation and proposes that the mecc framework be used to prioritize land regularization for traditional peoples and communities (PCTs). The report concludes with recommendations to integrate meccs with social policies, ensure equitable governance, and provide technical and financial support to local actors.

The report examines Colombia's transition from a centralized conservation model to an inclusive approach that recognizes the role of Indigenous peoples, local communities, and private landowners. It evaluates the current state of the National System of Protected Areas (SINAP) and the emerging framework of OECMs, identifying systemic barriers such as land tenure insecurity, armed conflict, and an extractivist development model. Through case studies of private, Afro-descendant, and Indigenous territories, the document highlights that effective conservation often stems from cultural and spiritual motivations rather than economic incentives. It concludes with recommendations to harmonize land tenure rights, close the environmental financing gap, and integrate OECMs into national territorial planning to meet the global 30x30 biodiversity target.

The report examines Ecuador's conservation landscape, highlighting the tension between a strong legal framework for biodiversity and a dominant extractivist economic model. It evaluates various conservation modalities, including the SNAP and OECMs, and argues that for OECMs to be truly inclusive, they must move beyond symbolic recognition to provide tangible benefits, secure land tenure, and respect the self-determination of Indigenous Peoples and local communities.

The report examines Peru's conservation landscape, identifying a significant reliance on the National System of State Natural Protected Areas (SINANPE) while exploring the potential of OECMs to include indigenous peoples, local communities, and private actors. It identifies critical threats such as illegal mining and deforestation, and highlights a tension between conservation policies and extractivist state actions. The document proposes a roadmap for operationalizing OECMs through improved enabling conditions, tailored incentives, and multi-level collaborative governance.

The briefing highlights a dangerous pattern of missing or inconsistent data on oil accidents across the Americas, noting that only Brazil, Canada, and the United States maintain regularly updated open datasets. Even in these countries, critical information such as ecological damage, human health impacts, and the responsible companies is often omitted. The document emphasizes that this lack of transparency violates international norms and obscures the systemic vulnerabilities of an interconnected petroleum supply chain, particularly in sensitive regions like the Amazon where ageing infrastructure poses significant risks.

The report examines how Brazil's agribusiness sector, despite being the country's largest climate polluter, maintains a privileged position through lobbying and 'corporate capture'. It highlights the omission of agricultural methane from Brazil's Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) and warns that industry-led efforts at COP30, such as the 'AgriZone', aim to position the sector as a climate solution while resisting meaningful regulation.

New York State Attorney General Letitia James secured a settlement requiring JBS to reform deceptive marketing practices, report progress to the state for three years, and pay $1.1 million toward climate-smart agriculture in New York. The settlement follows allegations that JBS falsely marketed a trajectory toward net-zero emissions by 2040 while expanding meat processing. Mighty Earth has also initiated a lawsuit in Washington, DC, for violations of the Consumer Practices Protection Act and a case with the UK Financial Conduct Authority regarding Barclays' underwriting of $3 billion in Sustainability-Linked Bonds for JBS. The document asserts that JBS excludes the vast majority of its climate footprint—over 95%—from its net-zero calculations by reporting only Scope 1 and 2 operational emissions. Additionally, the text highlights JBS's expansion into Nigeria with a $2.5 billion investment in six slaughterhouses, alongside its history of Amazon deforestation and Clean Water Act violations in the US.

The report highlights that French companies hold over 1,000 billion euros in cash, a resource largely managed by financial institutions that continue to fund fossil fuel expansion and ecosystem destruction. Focusing on 20 CAC 40 companies with 162 billion euros in combined cash, the analysis reveals a significant gap in CSR policies: while companies apply ESG criteria to suppliers, they rarely do so for their financial partners. The authors argue that corporate cash is a powerful but underused tool for decarbonization and recommend integrating ESG criteria into the selection of financial partners, setting specific CSR targets for cash management, and establishing structured dialogues with banks and asset managers to end support for unsustainable projects.

The document investigates the environmental footprint of hyperscale data centers in Brazil, arguing that the government's push to become a global hub via the REDATA regime overlooks significant ecological and social costs. It highlights the creation of 'green sacrifice zones' where marginalized communities bear the burden of infrastructure, the extractive nature of the mineral supply chain for hardware, and the high energy and water demands of AI. The paper also critiques the 'myth' of permanent job creation and the exclusion of environmental authorities from policy-making, while detailing the specific ecological trade-offs associated with solar, wind, and hydroelectric power used to fuel these facilities.