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The report examines the fragmented landscape of peace and reconciliation efforts in Afghanistan during 2008, analyzing the failure of national-level negotiations, the limitations of amnesty programs, and the fragility of local-level truces like those in Musa Qala. It argues that a sustainable political solution requires a comprehensive regional strategy and a credible national reconciliation framework that moves beyond tactical surrenders to address power-sharing and security sector reform.

The research finds that civil conflicts last longer when they are located far from the government stronghold, near international borders, or in regions with valuable minerals like gemstones and petroleum. Conversely, higher rebel military capacity is associated with shorter conflict durations. The study concludes that geography significantly shapes the balance of power and the ability of belligerents to sustain warfare.

The document argues that the United States uses private military contractors (PMCs) to bridge the gap between its geopolitical ambitions as a 'global policeman' and the limited resources provided by a skeptical public. It contends that this reliance enables unilateralism, evades public and congressional oversight, and often results in inefficiency and fraud due to poor government management. The author suggests that while the Obama administration began some reforms, systemic improvements in contracting officer training, transparency, and international legal accountability are necessary to manage the inevitable role of PMCs in modern warfare.

The document analyzes the foreign policy platforms of candidates John McCain and Barack Obama ahead of the 2008 US election, arguing that while Africa will likely remain a low priority for any new administration, South Africa can leverage its role as a 'pivotal state' to secure military resources, trade benefits, and health funding. It highlights diverging candidate views on energy—with Obama favoring a 'cap-and-trade' system and McCain supporting increased nuclear power and Alaskan drilling—and suggests South Africa could engage the US on carbon-trading opportunities.

The briefing argues that Zimbabwe's political crisis, characterized by contested elections and state power abuse, necessitates a transitional government. Unlike a government of national unity, a transitional government acts as a short-term caretaker to draft a new constitution and create an environment for free and fair elections. The author proposes an inclusive body comprising more than just the MDC and Zanu-PF, potentially with Robert Mugabe remaining as president under strict checks and balances, supported by expanded mediation from SADC, the AU, and the UN, as well as international civilian peacekeepers.

The briefing argues that Zimbabwe's political crisis and the contested re-election of Robert Mugabe in June 2008 necessitate a transitional government rather than a government of national unity. It defines a transitional government as a short-term caretaker authority tasked with drafting a new constitution and preparing for legitimate elections. The author proposes a one-year mandate for an inclusive body comprising more than just the MDC and Zanu-PF, supported by expanded mediation from SADC, the AU, and the UN, as well as international civilian peacekeepers.

The research paper examines how organised crime networks, particularly those from the former Eastern Bloc, operate with impunity in African conflict zones by using front companies, tax havens, and corrupt political links. It details the activities of Leonid Minin and Victor Bout, who are alleged to have trafficked weapons and minerals in countries like Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the DRC. The author argues that law enforcement is hampered by weak national legislation, poor international coordination, and the lack of criminal sanctions for sanctions-busting, though it suggests that post-9/11 anti-terrorism frameworks may offer new opportunities for disrupting these networks.

The research tests Samuel Huntington's 'clash of civilizations' hypothesis against a strategic theory of international terrorism using a directed country dyad sample from 1969 to 2005. The authors find that international terrorism is primarily driven by strategic logic—specifically, terror groups target foreign nationals from countries that provide economic aid, arms, or military support to the terrorists' home government. While the data shows excessive terrorism against Western targets, the authors argue this is due to the high strategic value of Western targets and Western interference in other regions, rather than an inherent civilizational clash. The study finds no evidence for a general structural break in terrorism patterns following the end of the Cold War, contradicting Huntington's predictions, although it notes an increase in lethal Islamic terrorism against the West coinciding with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

The document examines the role of ICTs in advancing Education for Sustainable Development (ESD), arguing that technology can move education from a traditional objectivist model to a 'connectivist' approach. It identifies three primary uses of ICTs: as information resources for educators, as supplements to classroom activities (such as real-time research and systems thinking simulations), and as tools for distance and online learning. The report highlights the shift toward 'School 2.0,' where learners actively construct knowledge through collaboration and real-world experience, and notes the potential for bridging the digital divide through initiatives like 'one laptop per child.' It concludes that while ICT tools are proliferating, more research is needed to explicitly link these technologies to ESD outcomes and to develop new metrics for measuring sustainability-oriented learning.

The report evaluates the IRRANA programme, finding that financial incentives and reintegration support did not encourage voluntary return; instead, decisions were driven by the desire to avoid forced deportation or the frustration of prolonged asylum processes. Reintegration efforts, primarily focused on small business grants, were largely unsuccessful, with many businesses serving as 'sham' mechanisms to access cash. The report recommends institutionalising skills training for asylum seekers while in Norway and restructuring reintegration support to include genuine job referrals and training alternatives.

The document presents a dataset of 3,375 urban social disturbance events, including both violent and non-violent political activities, compiled from the Keesing’s Record of World Events. It details the selection of 23 cities in Sub-Saharan Africa and 32 in Asia, the coding scheme used to categorize event types and casualties, and the challenges associated with using news reports as a primary data source. Analysis shows an increasing trend in both total and lethal events over time, with a higher average number of events reported for Asian cities compared to African cities.

The document examines the tension between 'modern' (secular/NGO-led) and 'traditional' (religious) civil society in Afghanistan after 2001. It argues that international donors and the Afghan government have adopted a narrow, technocratic view of civil society, focusing on formal NGOs as service providers while marginalizing influential religious actors like mullahs and ulema. The author identifies five key civil society functions performed by religious actors: socialization, public communication, mediation, intermediation, and resource distribution. The report highlights a precarious position for 'middle-ground' religious leaders who are targeted by both the government and insurgents, warning that excluding these actors risks pushing them toward radicalization.

The document examines the growth of military research and development (R&D) spending and the increasing integration of military objectives into academic and educational institutions in the UK and USA. It critiques the 'Revolution in Military Affairs' (RMA) as a failing high-technology approach to security and highlights a significant funding imbalance where military R&D far outweighs spending on climate change, health, and poverty reduction. The authors argue that this militarisation marginalises non-offensive security strategies and threatens academic freedom and the civilian skills base.

The report examines the drive to increase the proportion of women in the Norwegian armed forces from 7% to 15% by the end of 2008. It identifies two primary motivations: a symbolic political goal to reflect Norwegian society's gender equality and a military goal to acquire diverse qualifications for new security challenges. The author highlights structural barriers, such as gender-biased equipment (specifically safety vests) and a highly masculine organizational culture, and recommends improvements in family policy, leadership training, and equipment design. Internationally, the report notes the slow implementation of UNSCR 1325, with women making up only about 1.8% of military personnel in UN peacekeeping missions as of early 2007, and argues that Norway's efforts are critical for supplying female military leaders to the UN system.

The report analyzes power-sharing as a tool to mitigate civil conflict by guaranteeing political roles to potential 'spoilers'. It argues that while power-sharing can promote peace when parties are evenly matched and conflict costs are high, it may increase conflict risks when groups are unevenly matched. The authors highlight significant trade-offs, noting that power-sharing prioritizes 'ex post fairness' over democratic 'ex ante uncertainty' and can lead to high transaction costs and agency losses, such as the selection of intransigent, group-based politicians.

The document analyzes terrorism in Egypt through three distinct cycles, tracing the evolution from the 1928 founding of the Muslim Brotherhood to the 2006 Dahab bombings. It argues that Egypt's closed political system, socio-economic marginalization—particularly of the Bedouin community in Sinai—and heavy-handed security responses have fueled extremism. The paper also details the significant role of Egyptian nationals, such as Ayman al-Zawahiri, in the formation and leadership of transnational networks like al-Qa'eda, suggesting that domestic repression effectively exported extremism globally.

Former US Surgeon General Richard H. Carmona testified that political appointees in the Bush administration systematically marginalized his office, censored his speeches, and suppressed scientific reports to align public health communication with partisan ideological agendas.

The policy brief examines the transition of mine action from international management to national authority, focusing on the roles of government, civil society, and capacity building. Through case studies of Mozambique, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Afghanistan, it argues that national ownership is often hindered by donor-driven funding, a lack of early accurate data, and weak institutional structures. The document concludes that there is no universal recipe for ownership and recommends flexible, coordinated strategies that prioritize local capacity mapping and strategic national planning over rapid operational deployment.

The document examines the 'political architecture' of liberal peacebuilding, which seeks to establish liberal market democracies in post-conflict states. It argues that while this approach is dominant in international politics, it faces significant legitimacy challenges. Communitarians argue it imposes external Western values over local cultures; critical theorists contend it reinforces a hegemonic and unjust global order; and postmodernists critique its reliance on technocratic 'social engineering.' The author proposes alternative frameworks, such as 'building the capacity for peaceful self-governance' and 'dialogic peacebuilding,' to reconcile liberal ideals with local autonomy and global justice.