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The document examines the digital divide and the resulting low participation of African nations in the WTO's plurilateral e-commerce negotiations. It highlights the tension between the preferred multilateral approach of the African Group and the pragmatic necessity of joining the JSI to avoid being marginalized by rules set by developed nations. The author recommends that African states align e-commerce policies with industrialization goals and leverage the African Union to negotiate as a unified bloc.

The document argues that while Aid for Trade (AfT) is a vital tool for sustainable development, there is a significant mismatch between the low levels of development assistance for plastic pollution and the high financial flows to the petrochemical sector. It identifies specific capacity-building needs for developing countries—such as circular economy strategies, technology access, and regulatory frameworks—and proposes short- and medium-term deliverables for WTO members to integrate plastic pollution priorities into AfT work programmes.

The policy brief argues that reliable, granular trade data is essential for evidence-based policymaking to tackle plastic pollution, but the current World Customs Organization (WCO) Harmonized System (HS) lacks sufficient detail. It highlights seven key shortfalls in the HS, including inadequate differentiation of primary plastics, gaps in identifying harmful chemical additives, and a failure to track 'hidden' plastics embedded in other products. The authors propose a series of amendments for the 2022–2027 HS cycle, focusing on disaggregating polymer types, improving the classification of plastic waste to align with the Basel Convention, and revealing information on single-use plastics and packaging.

The author argues that for the WTO's efforts on trade and gender to be effective, members must adopt a comprehensive 'gender lens' that distinguishes between economic empowerment and broader gender equality. The proposed framework includes identifying women's multiple economic roles, analyzing the bidirectional relationship between trade and gender, recognizing domains of inequality (capabilities, resources, and security), and applying this analysis across all stages of trade policy from negotiation to implementation.

The AfCFTA is currently stuck between its negotiation and implementation phases, with substantive trade failing to take off as of February 2022. While 44 AU member states have ratified the agreement, progress is blocked by the delayed conclusion of vital technical components, most notably the rules of origin. Although the Council of Ministers decided in January 2022 to proceed with rules of origin for 87.7% of product lines, the remaining gaps have led to a low number of full tariff offers from member states. The authors argue that regional economic powers, such as Kenya and South Africa, must move past negotiating brinkmanship toward concessions and collaboration to generate the momentum necessary for African industrialization and economic transformation.

The briefing note argues that trade policy should avoid creating a "two-speed global economy" by balancing regulatory requirements ("sticks") with support measures ("carrots"). It suggests that WTO members adopt principles from international environmental law—such as Common but Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR)—and employ a data-driven diagnostic process to identify specific barriers to green transitions across different commodities and levels of development.

The document advocates for a 'green feminist foreign policy' for the EU that moves beyond basic gender equality to an intersectional approach. It criticizes the current male-dominated culture of the European External Action Service (EEAS) and the limitations of the Gender Action Plan III (GAP III). The author proposes systemic changes, including mandatory training, gender-responsive budgeting, and the inclusion of marginalized groups in climate and security decision-making, citing Sweden's pioneering model as a reference.

The report argues that transitioning to a circular plastics economy by 2050 will result in positive cumulative effects on GDP, employment, and consumer welfare in Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, and South Africa compared to a business-as-usual scenario. Using computational general equilibrium (CGE) modelling, the study finds that such a transition increases economic activity and reduces the costs of environmental externalities. For Côte d’Ivoire and Kenya, immediate implementation is recommended to maximize environmental gains and avoid sunk costs. For South Africa, an incremental shift is suggested to minimize short-term negative impacts on its more established plastics sector. The report emphasizes the need for national policy instruments—such as extended producer responsibility (EPR) and deposit return schemes—alongside regional coordination via the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and a legally binding global treaty to combat plastic pollution.

The study examines potential mechanisms for a voluntary standstill on inefficient fossil fuel subsidies within APEC, proposing inventory-based, value-based, or hybrid approaches to ensure subsidies do not increase and to complement existing reform efforts.

The report examines the synergy between the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the African Union's Green Recovery Action Plan (GRAP) to foster green intra-continental trade and investment. While the AfCFTA is intended to transform Africa's production and trade landscape, the document notes that environmental and climate considerations have not been prominent in its development. The report specifically analyzes how the combined implementation of these frameworks can support recovery in Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, and South Africa.

The briefing analyzes the challenges facing WTO agriculture negotiations at MC12, noting that deep divisions among members on domestic support, market access, and public stockholding likely mean that substantive outcomes will be limited to work programs for post-conference talks. The author identifies a potential positive outcome regarding an exemption for World Food Programme (WFP) food purchases from export restrictions and suggests that some progress on transparency may be achievable, though substantive issues like trade-distorting subsidies in cotton remain unresolved.

The authors contend that circular economy solutions are indispensable for decarbonization, as resource extraction and processing account for half of global greenhouse gas emissions. They highlight the growth of the USD 315 billion global waste trade and the energy efficiency of secondary materials, which can require up to 90% less energy than primary resources. The paper advocates for government incentives to value waste, the adoption of product longevity strategies to reduce carbon footprints—particularly in electronics—and the use of bilateral and regional free trade agreements to establish standards for circular products. The authors call for the WTO to create climate-friendly rules to eliminate tariffs and non-tariff barriers that currently restrain the trade of circular goods and services.

The author identifies several key environmental priorities for the WTO's MC12, including a deal on fishery subsidies and the launch of member-led initiatives like the Trade and Environmental Sustainability Structured Discussions (TESSD). The text emphasizes the need for inclusive cooperation that supports developing countries through financing and technical assistance to ensure a global green economy that does not leave the poorest behind.

The briefing argues that as countries increase climate ambition, border carbon adjustment (BCA) mechanisms are becoming inevitable to prevent carbon leakage in energy-intensive sectors. To prevent these tools from becoming protectionist, the author proposes a framework of principles—such as the primacy of leakage protection, revenue sharing, and credit for equivalent foreign carbon prices—and best practices regarding coverage, data standards, and appeal mechanisms. The author suggests the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the ideal multilateral forum for discussing these standards, specifically highlighting the 2021 Ministerial Conference (MC12) as a critical starting point.

The paper examines the transition of Euro-African trade from the non-reciprocal preferences of the Lomé Convention to the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) under the Cotonou Agreement. It argues that EPAs have been unrealistic for African least developed countries (LDCs) due to demands for 80% market opening, which threatens regional integration and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). While Europe remains Africa's lead trading partner (32% share in 2018), the author calls for a move away from paternalism and short-term free-trade expectations toward co-production and sustainable partnerships.

The author views COP26 as a success because it produced concrete roadmaps and integrated climate action into global trade, foreign aid, and finance. Key examples include a US-EU agreement on steel and aluminium decarbonization, a multi-billion dollar partnership to help South Africa phase out coal, and a private finance coalition mobilizing $130 trillion for 2050 net-zero targets. The author notes that if these commitments are realized, warming could be limited to 1.8 °C. For Canada, the author emphasizes the importance of the federal net-zero law requiring a national emissions reduction plan by the end of December 2021.

The report analyzes the evolution of gender-related provisions in trade agreements, categorizing them into five types: reaffirmation of commitments, avoidance of adverse effects, preservation of the state's right to regulate, promotion of women's economic empowerment, and cooperation mechanisms. It highlights a shift toward dedicated 'trade and gender' chapters in recent agreements, such as those involving Canada and Chile, though it notes these often lack enforceable targets or budgets. The author argues that current provisions are frequently 'gender-blind' or overly focused on women as formal workers, neglecting their roles as consumers, carers, and rights holders. To improve policy, the report advocates for ex ante gender impact assessments—citing Canada's GBA+ and the UNCTAD Trade and Gender Toolbox—and ex post monitoring to generate sex-disaggregated data. It concludes that for trade to be inclusive, gender mainstreaming must move beyond symbolic cooperation toward a holistic approach grounded in human rights frameworks like CEDAW.

The document argues that EU trade policy must be consistent with the Green Deal, Farm to Fork, and animal welfare standards to prevent the externalisation of environmental and social impacts. It proposes ten structural reforms for EU Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), including the introduction of enforceable sustainability obligations, conditional preferential tariffs, penalty mechanisms for TSD violations, and mandatory ex-ante sustainability impact assessments.

The document examines the industrial and trade policy challenges Africa faces during the transition to a lower carbon economy. It emphasizes that for the transition to be 'just,' Africa must move beyond exporting primary products and importing green technology to becoming a manufacturer of value-added lower-carbon products. The author highlights the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a key mechanism for creating regional value chains for renewable energy components. The paper warns against premature trade liberalization and unilateral carbon-based import restrictions from developed nations, which it characterizes as 'green-washed protectionism.' It concludes that Africa should advocate for a Global Green New Deal that explicitly recognizes the right of developing countries to industrialize and receive real resource transfers for climate adaptation and mitigation.

The document examines the intersection of industrial and trade policy with the green transition in Africa. It argues that for the continent to avoid becoming a 'net loser' in the shift to a low-carbon economy, it must move toward higher value-added production of green technologies rather than remaining an exporter of primary products. The author highlights the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a key mechanism for establishing regional value chains for renewable energy products. The paper also emphasizes the need for 'policy space' to protect nascent industries, warning against premature trade liberalization and unilateral 'border adjustment taxes' from developed nations. Additionally, it stresses the urgency of 'climate proofing' infrastructure to create jobs and mitigate the inevitable extreme weather events predicted by the IPCC. Finally, the paper calls for African nations to advocate for a Global Green New Deal that respects the right of developing countries to industrialize and includes meaningful resource transfers.