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The report analyzes the UK's proposed Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) as a tool to prevent carbon leakage. It highlights key divergences from the EU CBAM, specifically the inclusion of glass and ceramics and the exclusion of electricity, as well as the absence of a transitional period. The document emphasizes the potential administrative and economic burdens on developing countries and LDCs and recommends aligning the UK system with the EU CBAM to reduce bureaucratic hurdles for trading partners.

The report examines how border carbon adjustment (BCA) schemes affect Brazil, noting that while the EU's CBAM has limited impact due to the small share of covered exports, other jurisdictions like the United States could pose greater risks. Stakeholders highlight challenges including compliance costs, administrative burdens, and the need for production transformation investments. The document emphasizes that a lack of awareness regarding these measures is a primary obstacle and calls for international collaboration to ensure fair BCA design.

The document examines how national bans and restrictions on plastic products implemented by WTO members have created trade frictions due to a lack of global harmonization. It aims to provide policy-makers with guidance to avoid such conflicts as countries work toward an international legally binding agreement to end plastic pollution by the end of 2024.

South Africa's foreign policy is centered on 'active non-alignment' and the 'universality' posture, aiming to mediate global conflicts and promote the interests of the Global South. A primary focus is the African continent, specifically through the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the pursuit of Agenda 2063. The government seeks to enhance economic diplomacy by supporting South African investments in Africa and developing regional value chains for critical minerals like lithium. Additionally, South Africa maintains a commitment to human rights and self-determination, evidenced by its legal actions at the International Court of Justice regarding Palestine and its support for Western Sahara. On a multilateral level, the country advocates for the reform of the UN Security Council and leverages its membership in BRICS and the G20 to amplify African influence.

The document outlines the critical role of copper in India's infrastructure and clean energy transition, predicting a potential doubling of demand by 2030. It recommends a multi-pronged approach including diversifying primary supply through strategic partnerships with countries like Chile and Australia, reforming trade duties to support domestic smelting, and rationalizing the GST on copper scrap to promote a circular economy.

The report analyzes the economic exposure of Brazil to the EU's CBAM, noting that while current impacts are limited to specific sectors like iron and steel, the diffusion of BCAs to other major markets like the US and Japan poses a significant risk. It details the responses of the Brazilian government and the National Confederation of Industry (CNI), highlighting concerns over non-discrimination, administrative burdens, and the need for developed countries to finance technological adaptation in developing nations. The document also notes a general lack of broad public and financial sector engagement with the BCA debate in Brazil.

The report analyzes 21 policy measures from 14 WTO members that triggered trade concerns, categorizing these frictions into six types: timing and implementation, transparency, absence of stakeholder engagement, proportionality, justification, and discrimination. It provides specific regulatory recommendations to ensure that environmental measures targeting plastics do not create unnecessary trade barriers.

The United Kingdom plans to introduce a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) in 2027 to prevent carbon leakage as free allowances under its Emissions Trading System (ETS) are phased out. While similar to the EU CBAM, the UK version will cover ceramics and glass but exclude electricity, and it will lack a transition period. The report highlights risks including potential trade diversion, administrative burdens for exporters, and diplomatic tensions with developing nations who view such measures as 'environmental colonialism'. It suggests that the UK would benefit from mirroring the EU's reporting systems and exploring the linkage of their respective ETSs to reduce bureaucratic friction and economic risk.

The document argues that a just transition requires wealthy, high-emitting nations to phase out fossil fuels first and fastest while providing financial and technological support to less wealthy countries. It outlines a broad menu of policy tools across resource management, financial markets, fiscal and monetary policy, economic diversification, and global governance to manage the decline of fossil fuel production and consumption equitably.

The document analyzes the proposed WTO fisheries subsidies rules (document TN/RL/W/278), arguing that while not perfect, they represent a significant step toward sustainable development by requiring risky subsidies to be linked to credible fisheries management measures. It highlights the complex negotiations between industrial and artisanal fishing interests, as well as the balance between developed and developing nations' needs.

The document analyzes India's high import dependence on copper and the global supply risks—including geopolitical instability in producer nations and declining ore grades—that threaten its economic and energy goals. It proposes a four-pronged strategy: diversifying primary supply through strategic partnerships, reforming trade duties to encourage domestic value addition, providing production-linked incentives for the smelting and fabrication industry, and rationalizing the GST on copper scrap to formalize the recycling sector.

The report highlights that the EU is a net importer of CO2 emissions, with consumption-based emissions (CBEs) significantly exceeding territorial emissions. While the EU has focused on territorial targets, the authors argue that addressing CBEs is essential for global climate goals. Through case studies of Sweden, Denmark, and France, the report identifies a lack of standardized monitoring and binding targets as primary barriers. It recommends that the EU establish binding CBE targets, standardize carbon accounting, and expand policies like the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and the EcoDesign Regulation to drive sustainable consumption and production globally.

The document argues that the EU's territorial emission reductions mask a growing carbon footprint driven by the import of emissions-intensive goods. It identifies food, housing, and mobility as primary consumption hotspots and recommends binding EU-level targets, mandatory reporting for member states, and enhanced trade transparency to address these emissions.

The authors call for a coordinated effort by the WTO, OECD, IMF, and World Bank to create a robust analytical base to identify and eliminate 'bad subsidies'—those that distort trade and harm the environment—while promoting 'good subsidies' that address market failures. The text highlights the high costs of fossil fuel and agricultural subsidies and the carbon footprint of state support in the aluminium sector, advocating for a socially responsible, progressive transition to sustainable government support.

The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), effective October 2023, imposes carbon tariffs on imports to prevent carbon leakage and encourage global decarbonisation. The document argues that the CBAM will disproportionately harm African countries, particularly least-developed countries (LDCs), by reducing GDP and exports of key materials like aluminium, iron, and steel. It highlights concerns regarding the mechanism's equity, its potential conflict with WTO non-discrimination rules, and the EU's plan to use revenues for internal debt rather than supporting LDCs. The brief recommends that the AfCFTA negotiate for exemptions, a slower phase-in period, and the exclusion of indirect emissions, while urging the EU to increase climate finance and technology transfers to Africa.

TESS expresses support for the WTO Dialogue on Plastic Pollution (DPP) Ministerial Statement and its associated work plan. The organization emphasizes that the DPP should complement the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC) process for a legally binding instrument on plastic pollution. TESS advocates for the design of workstreams to ensure pragmatic outcomes by MC14 and encourages members to engage with the World Customs Organization (WCO) regarding Harmonized System (HS) amendments for the 2028 cycle to facilitate trade-related measures against plastic pollution.

The document analyzes the global landscape of fossil fuel subsidies (FFS), noting that they typically total around $600 billion annually and double during price crises. It argues that FFS drive greenhouse gas emissions and market distortions, and that the WTO is uniquely positioned to facilitate reform through transparency, capacity building, and the development of international disciplines. The author prioritizes the reform of subsidies for transport consumers, residential consumers, and oil and gas producers, while emphasizing the need for just transition principles to protect vulnerable populations, particularly in developing countries.

The author contends that recent farmer protests in Europe and India stem from systemic issues including unfair trade agreements, corporate price-gouging, and a subsidy system that favors large-scale industrial farming. The document criticizes the European Commission's decision to scrap pesticide targets and loosen environmental requirements, arguing that these 'U-turns' ignore the root causes of farmer distress. Instead, the author proposes a 'just transition' that includes a carbon border adjustment mechanism for agriculture, a rethink of the Mercosur trade deal, and a CAP that rewards environmental stewardship over land ownership.

The author examines the tension in German foreign policy between corporate profit interests and a values-based rhetoric, specifically regarding its engagement with Africa. Historically, Germany's approach has been 'economistic,' focusing on raw material imports and machinery exports. The paper argues that current geopolitical shifts and the need for critical minerals provide an opportunity for Germany to move away from post-colonial models. It suggests that instead of merely securing cheap resources, Germany should support a pan-African industrial policy, the mobilization of domestic resources, and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to foster sustainable development and reduce Africa's dependence on raw material exports.

The briefing identifies a critical national security risk stemming from the US pharmaceutical supply chain's dependence on China, which is the sole source for approximately 20% of API for vital medicines and 45% of KSM. It highlights that domestic generic manufacturing is severely underutilized, with plants operating at only half capacity, leaving the healthcare system and military vulnerable to shortages. The author proposes a phased strategy: immediately filling the Strategic Active Pharmaceutical Ingredient Reserve (SAPIR) with an 18-month supply of essential ingredients, providing grants and loans to transition manufacturing to US plants, and closing the 'Acetris loophole' to ensure 'manufactured in the U.S.' requires substantial transformation. The long-term goal is to achieve a domestic manufacturing capacity utilization of over 75% and reduce the number of drug shortages to below 50 within ten years.