Search Climate Insights Directory

The document argues that the US uses bilateral and regional free trade agreements (FTAs) to implement "TRIPS-plus" intellectual property standards that undermine the 2001 Doha Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health. These provisions—including data exclusivity, patent term extensions, and restrictions on compulsory licensing—increase drug prices and delay generic competition, thereby hindering access to essential medicines in developing countries. The author suggests that civil society should raise public awareness in both negotiating countries and the US, engage ministries of health, and advocate for a WTO moratorium on TRIPS-plus provisions. Furthermore, the paper argues for shifting the global discourse from intellectual property protection to a health-needs-driven R&D model, citing evidence that high IP standards have not significantly boosted research for diseases predominantly affecting the developing world.

The submission by several legal and environmental organizations argues that Biwater Gauff (Tanzania) Limited failed in its duties as an investor during the privatization of water services in Dar es Salaam. The Amici contend that the investor's failure to conduct proper due diligence and its poor operational performance led to the investment's failure, rather than government action. They further suggest the investor may have used a 'renegotiation strategy'—bidding low to win the contract with the intent to force more favorable terms later. The document asserts that because water is a basic human right and essential for sustainable development, investors in this sector must be held to the highest standards of responsibility, and that the Tanzanian government was justified in terminating the contract to protect these rights.

The document explains that international investment agreements (IIAs), including bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and preferential trade and investment agreements (PTIAs), often grant foreign investors legal protections that exceed domestic laws. These agreements allow investors to bypass national courts and seek financial compensation through international arbitration if government regulations—such as environmental protections or public health measures—are deemed to be 'expropriations' or discriminatory. The guide highlights a critical lack of transparency in these proceedings, particularly under UNCITRAL rules, and discusses ongoing tensions in EU-ACP negotiations regarding the inclusion of investment rules in economic partnership agreements.

The World Resources Institute (WRI), an environmental think tank, reported total revenue of $25,345,212 and total expenses of $21,237,532 for the 2005 tax year. The organization operates seven primary programs focusing on climate change, urban mobility, ecosystem protection, and environmental governance. Its largest program expenditure was for the People and Ecosystems Program ($4,443,154), followed by the Institutions and Governance Program ($3,450,686). WRI maintains a staff of over 130 experts and partners with nearly 400 organizations globally.

The report evaluates Hawai`i County's goals across ten areas, including affordable housing, energy self-sufficiency, and environmental stewardship. It argues that the loss of local land control to outside investors is the island's most critical challenge, driving a housing crisis and eroding the social fabric (ohana). RMI recommends implementing land trusts, deed restrictions, and green building standards to ensure permanent affordability. The document emphasizes 'whole-system thinking' to address root causes rather than symptoms, suggesting that the county maximize its local economic multiplier by producing energy and food locally. A significant portion of the report is dedicated to proposing specific indicators to measure progress toward these goals to ensure transparency and durability.

The document analyzes the challenges developing countries face when implementing 'TRIPS-Plus' intellectual property (IP) provisions found in free trade agreements (FTAs), particularly those signed with the USA, EU, and EFTA. It argues that while these agreements often impose higher standards of protection than the WTO's TRIPS Agreement, countries can adopt a 'creative and forward looking' implementation strategy. This includes utilizing existing flexibilities such as compulsory licensing and parallel imports, and modernizing national institutions and competition laws to balance IP protection with local innovation and public health needs.

The document serves as a strategic manual for non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to navigate WIPO's complex institutional framework. It analyzes how WIPO's focus on increasing intellectual property protection often conflicts with sustainable development goals in areas such as public health, food security, and biodiversity. The guide details WIPO's governing bodies, the influence of the International Bureau, and the mechanisms for civil society participation, while highlighting the WIPO Development Agenda as a key opportunity for institutional reform.

The document examines the failures of the 1976 Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA) and the subsequent emergence of state-level regulations in the U.S. to manage industrial chemicals. It highlights how state actions, such as bans on polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs), are influenced by international frameworks like the EU's REACH regulation and the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants. The author argues that these 'twin levers' of state and international progress are essential for driving the U.S. toward a more sustainable national chemical policy by 2020.

The author contends that climate governance has been overly dominated by environment departments and a narrow community of specialists, leading to top-down targets in the Kyoto Protocol that lacked domestic feasibility. To succeed post-2012, the author proposes a shift toward sector-specific expert forums involving industry and government, a more flexible approach to binding targets to encourage major emitters like the U.S., and a tighter integration of climate mitigation with poverty alleviation and sustainable development in the Global South. The paper emphasizes that developed nations must demonstrate domestic leadership and leverage trade and investment flows, rather than relying solely on official development assistance, to engage developing countries in a comprehensive mitigation regime.

The research paper introduces a two-phase methodology to quantify policy coherence by analyzing the frequency of shared goals, instruments, and actors across international agreements. Applying this to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD), the Ramsar Convention, the UNFCCC, and the MDGs, the study finds a significant level of policy incoherence. Specifically, it calculates a 52% degree of incoherence among the four MEAs and a 62% degree of incoherence when the MDGs are included. The CBD is identified as the most coherent agreement, while the Ramsar Convention and UNFCCC show the lowest levels of integration with other frameworks.

The document evaluates the IISD internship program, which from 1997 to 2007 supported 311 young professionals across 40 countries. Findings indicate that sustainability leadership is driven by a combination of on-the-job training, a global mindset developed through overseas placements, and a shared set of values. The report emphasizes a shift toward 'leadership-by-team' and recommends that IISD expand its reach beyond Canadian youth to include professionals from developing and transitional countries through a potential international consortium.

The document examines how trade policies influence climate change through scale, composition, technique, and direct effects, and analyzes the legal interactions between WTO law and the UNFCCC/Kyoto Protocol. It also assesses the physical impacts of climate change on trade infrastructure and the competitiveness implications of implementing climate regulations.

The document identifies several trade policy levers to address climate change, including the liberalization of trade in low-emission goods, the reinstatement of subsidies for greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction, the removal of domestic barriers to clean energy investment, the relaxation of intellectual property rights for green technologies, and the reduction of fossil fuel subsidies. It emphasizes that trade policy must be part of a broader suite of complementary fiscal and regulatory measures and suggests that while the WTO is the primary venue for multilateral action, plurilateral or regional agreements may serve as alternatives.

The Rapid Trade and Environment Assessment (RTEA) for Thailand examines the intersection of trade liberalization and environmental sustainability. It identifies that while trade agreements like AFTA and JTEPA expand market access and attract foreign direct investment (FDI), they also risk increasing pollution, deforestation, and resource depletion. The report emphasizes that Thailand possesses a comprehensive regulatory framework, but suffers from a critical lack of implementation and enforcement. Sectoral analysis highlights specific risks, such as e-waste in electronics, wastewater in textiles, and overfishing in fisheries, while noting opportunities for 'green' niche markets in organic agriculture and sustainable seafood.

This fact sheet outlines the evolution of sustainable development through a timeline of milestones. It tracks the emergence of environmental awareness in the 1960s, the establishment of international frameworks like the UN Environment Programme and the Montreal Protocol, and the formalization of the 'sustainable development' concept via the Brundtland Report. The timeline also documents ecological disasters, the rise of environmental NGOs, and the development of climate-specific initiatives such as the IPCC and the Kyoto Protocol.

The guide argues that marine and coastal issues are often neglected in national poverty reduction and development strategies, such as Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It proposes a six-step mainstreaming process to shift the narrative from viewing coastal protection as a restrictive regulatory burden to seeing it as a driver of economic growth and poverty reduction. The framework emphasizes national ownership, the creation of inter-agency working groups, and the identification of focal sectors—such as tourism and aquaculture—where the link between resource sustainability and livelihoods is most evident. It also integrates climate change adaptation as a key selling point for policymakers and provides specific tools for countries already implementing a National Programme of Action (NPA) and for aligning these efforts with United Nations Development Assistance Frameworks (UNDAF).

The document examines the 'policy integration puzzle,' specifically why political intentions for environmental policy integration (EPI) often fail to translate into practice. Drawing on the 'Policy Integration for Sustainability' (PIntS) project, it analyses the Swedish energy and agriculture sectors, identifying a lack of strategic thinking and a gap between agency-level learning and ministerial-level decision-making. It proposes a 10-point action plan based on trust, ownership, capacity, and knowledge. Additionally, it provides an international perspective on OECD trends, noting a peak in EPI interest in the mid-1990s followed by a decline due to concerns over economic competitiveness. The report concludes that while 'easy wins' in pollution control have been achieved, systemic challenges like climate change require deeper 'double-loop learning' and stronger political leadership.

The document outlines the strategic cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Africa, focusing on the EU Strategy for Africa and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). It emphasizes the need for increased aid effectiveness, infrastructural development via the EU-Africa Infrastructure Partnership, and the creation of a Joint EU-Africa Strategy. Key priorities include poverty reduction, governance, peace and security, and energy cooperation, while highlighting the importance of African ownership of development strategies.

The document analyzes the role of the European Investment Bank (EIB) within the Initiative for the Integration of the Regional Infrastructure of South America (IIRSA). It argues that IIRSA's focus on transport, energy, and telecommunications infrastructure poses significant risks to biodiversity and indigenous communities. The report claims the EIB's involvement, formalized through a 2004 memorandum with the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), primarily benefits European corporations rather than local populations. It highlights a lack of environmental and social standards and criticizes the EIB for withholding project information. The report concludes that the alliance, supported by the European Parliament, promotes a developmentalist model that exacerbates social inequality and environmental degradation in Latin America.

The document analyzes proposals by the EC and NAMA-11 to create a horizontal, non-binding mechanism for addressing non-tariff measures (NTMs) that operates independently of the WTO's Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU). It argues that by focusing exclusively on trade restrictiveness rather than legality, these mechanisms risk marginalizing environmental and social policy objectives and leaving developing countries vulnerable to power politics and 'arm-twisting' due to a lack of judicial protection and transparency.