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South Africa demonstrated strong leadership as AU chair by coordinating a continental response to COVID-19, including the establishment of regional task forces and a medical supplies platform. However, this soft power is undermined by persistent institutionalised xenophobia and a 'South Africans first' political discourse that marginalises African migrants. The author argues that domestic treatment of African nationals is a critical indicator of South Africa's leadership potential and warns that economic instability and corruption further exacerbate these internal cleavages.

The document argues that the post-WWII multilateral order is fragmenting, leaving Europe vulnerable to the influence of China and Russia and the unpredictability of US policy. The author proposes a 'networked foreign policy' and 'European strategic sovereignty' to reduce dependencies and preserve EU values. This approach emphasizes the need for Europe to act as a unified geopolitical player, investing in its own technological capabilities (such as 5G and semiconductors) and safeguarding public goods like health and climate protection. The author specifically calls for the EU to reduce reliance on foreign medical supplies and to resist the dominance of US and Chinese tech giants through stronger regulation and a pro-European anti-trust policy.

The author contends that the European Green Deal should not be treated as a separate environmental policy but as a geopolitical tool. By diversifying its economy and leading in clean technologies, the EU can reduce its vulnerability to pressure from the US and China and decrease its reliance on fossil fuel imports from authoritarian regimes. The text emphasizes that the transition must also address the stability of oil-dependent regions in the Middle East and North Africa and prevent internal EU divisions between East and West to avoid external interference.

The document examines South Africa's strategic positioning in global nuclear security amidst domestic economic decline and budget cuts to its foreign affairs and defence sectors. It highlights the risks posed by nuclear tensions in Iran and the Korean Peninsula, and suggests that South Africa can maintain its global relevance through 'niche diplomacy' and strategic partnerships. The author recommends using the 2020 NPT Review Conference and AU chairmanship to build a unified African position on nuclear disarmament and exploring informal 'Friends of the Chair' diplomatic models to bypass political impasses.

The IISD 2020-2025 strategic direction, termed the CREATE framework, prioritizes driving clean energy transitions, sustainable resource management, and the reform of global economic rules. The organization aims to leverage the post-COVID-19 recovery to 'build back better' by avoiding high-carbon futures and addressing magnified inequalities. Key operational goals include strengthening multilateralism, advancing gender equality, and expanding the reach of the Earth Negotiations Bulletin.

The document argues that South Africa's influence in global peacebuilding has waned since the late 2000s due to a lack of strategic coordination, political will, and effective financial mechanisms. It highlights the failure of the African Renaissance and International Cooperation Fund (ARF) to prioritise conflict resolution and the long-delayed establishment of the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA). The author recommends that the government professionalise its foreign service, expedite the Partnership for Development Bill, and align peacebuilding efforts with trade and investment priorities to reclaim its international standing.

The document examines how the consumption of Argentine soy in Europe and other regions externalizes environmental and social costs to Argentina, complicating the achievement of SDGs. It highlights significant land-use change, GHG emissions, and mixed social impacts, while recommending bilateral cooperation between Argentina and the EU to mitigate these spillovers.

Political scientist Félix Blanc argues that the EU lacks a unified security voice and remains overly dependent on the US, particularly regarding nuclear deterrence and military infrastructure. He contends that current initiatives like the European Defence Fund and the military mobility plan risk reinforcing this dependence rather than fostering strategic autonomy. Blanc proposes a Franco-German led initiative for nuclear disarmament and the creation of a new collective security architecture based on multilateralism and preventive disarmament to address threats from Russia, China, and regional instabilities.

The report describes Africa as a 'resilient but marginal player' in a global order where multilateralism is eroding and power is shifting toward a polycentric model. It identifies key barriers to African agency, including structural economic dependence, internal political fragmentation among 55 diverse states, and limited capacity at UN missions. The authors argue that Africa can increase its leverage by pooling resources through the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and by leveraging the 'Big 5' powers (Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Algeria, and Ethiopia) to unify continental positions. While the report notes the risks of great power competition—specifically the 'new Scramble for Africa'—it highlights that African states have successfully exercised agency in relations with China through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The author advocates for a shift away from 'hyper-globalisation and ultra-liberalism' toward a trade system that prioritizes climate sustainability, data protection, and regional empowerment. Key concerns include the projected tripling of transport emissions by 2049 and the need for a multilateral alternative to current trade wars and protectionism.

The document argues that while President Jair Bolsonaro's administration represents a shift toward neoliberal economics and a closer alignment with the United States, these changes are unlikely to cause a schism within the BRICS. It suggests that Brazil's national interests will continue to drive cooperation, particularly in trade, development finance, and global governance. The author recommends that the bloc leverage Brazil's presidency to address trade imbalances with China through partial scope agreements and align the New Development Bank's loans with national development agendas to ensure financial sustainability.

The briefing examines the first EU-South Africa summit since 2013, highlighting the importance of attracting foreign direct investment and leveraging the EU's External Investment Plan. It notes that while the EU is South Africa's largest investment partner and a primary destination for manufactured exports, the partnership has struggled due to internal crises in both regions. The agenda includes economic cooperation, sustainable energy, multilateralism, and climate change.

The document analyzes how economic globalization and trade impact in-country inequality and social inclusion, arguing that while trade is often blamed for rising inequality, other factors like technology and political economy play more significant roles. It discusses the tension between national sovereignty for social cohesion and the multilateral rules-based order of the WTO. The author suggests that the WTO must adapt through incremental, plurilateral negotiations to remain relevant and avoid a return to mercantilist 'beggar thy neighbour' policies, while advising the South African government to balance its need for policy space with the preservation of the multilateral system.

The report argues that President Donald Trump's early presidency was marked by a lack of interest in Africa, a disregard for multilateralism, and leadership traits reminiscent of autocrats, which strained US–Africa relations. It highlights the risks posed by proposed budget cuts to foreign assistance, the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, and the erosion of democratic norms. However, it also suggests that domestic resistance to Trump in the US and a push for greater African self-reliance could lead to a democratic reconsolidation and more resilient partnerships.

Mr Fred T Phaswana warns that the rise of protectionism, populism, and 'post-truth politics' threatens the international cooperation required to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris climate change agreement. He highlights the danger of a 'race-to-the-bottom' in corporate taxation and the erosion of multilateralism. Domestically, he argues that South Africa's reputation has been damaged by internal political instability and the government's intention to withdraw from the International Criminal Court, urging the country to remain an active shaper of a fair rules-based global order.

The report examines Botswana's regional diplomacy from independence to 2015, highlighting a shift from the 'quiet diplomacy' of Presidents Masire and Mogae to the more outspoken, principle-driven approach of President Ian Khama. It analyzes the institutional framework of Botswana's foreign policy, the influence of the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), and the country's pivotal role in the creation of SADC. The author argues that Botswana's foreign policy has been heavily shaped by presidential personalities and suggests the need for a structured national consensus on foreign policy interests.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic positioning within FOCAC and BRICS, arguing that while FOCAC is a vital tool for continental development and Sino-African relations, it is unlikely to serve as a primary platform for global governance reform in the same way as BRICS. It suggests South Africa should instead focus FOCAC on practical continental issues such as infrastructure quality, natural resource management, and the role of the African Union Commission.

The report outlines discussions from a July 2015 workshop regarding the creation of 'low carbon clubs'—coalitions of countries, regional entities, or nonstate actors cooperating on climate objectives. Participants emphasized that such clubs must provide excludable benefits to members to incentivize participation and prevent free riding. The discussions highlighted the necessity of linking carbon pricing with technology innovation and redistribution to ensure efficiency and consumer acceptability. While a global carbon price is deemed unattainable, these clubs are seen as a way for actors to move at 'multiple speeds' complementary to multilateral frameworks like the UNFCCC and the WTO.

The document examines China's deepening security role in Africa, shifting from traditional military concerns to non-traditional threats. It analyzes how China protects its citizens from crime and terrorism, its response to the 2014 Ebola outbreak, and its dual role in the illegal wildlife and timber trades. The authors argue that these transnational challenges are compelling China to increase its engagement with multilateral organizations and move beyond its traditional policy of non-interference.

The author contends that Germany's historical preference for non-military foreign policy and economic cooperation is no longer viable in a globalised world. Highlighting the paralysis of the UN Security Council and the rise of authoritarianism, the text calls for a more active European foreign policy. It specifically emphasizes the need for the EU to support Ukraine against Russian neo-imperialism and to maintain a value-based partnership with the United States to avoid security vacuums.