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The EBRD's new Paris alignment methodology, effective January 1, 2023, expands exclusions to include upstream gas and most midstream and downstream oil. However, it maintains a set of cumulative criteria for midstream and downstream gas projects and allows an automatic alignment exception for projects meeting EU taxonomy criteria. The author argues that to align with the 1.5°C goal and the Glasgow Statement, the EBRD must completely exclude midstream and downstream gas infrastructure.

Natural gas is the fastest growing source of CO2 emissions from fossil fuels, with methane leakage potentially making its climate impact equivalent to coal. To align with the 1.5°C goal, global gas production and consumption must decrease by 30% by 2030 and 65% by 2050, with developed countries phasing out gas power by 2035. The document rejects the use of gas as a bridge fuel or a solution to the 2022 energy crisis, noting that expanding infrastructure creates stranded asset risks, particularly for non-OECD countries. It further argues that converting gas infrastructure to hydrogen is technically unproven and economically inefficient, and highlights severe public health risks associated with gas extraction, flaring, and domestic use.

Thirty-seven global NGOs are calling on the Net-Zero Banking Alliance (NZBA) to stop financing fracked gas export projects in South Texas, arguing that the Texas LNG and Rio Grande LNG terminals are incompatible with the 1.5°C climate goal and violate Indigenous and environmental rights.

A survey of 938 registered U.S. voters conducted in December 2022 reveals broad support for clean energy research, energy efficiency in low-income communities, and the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) after it is described. While 45% of 2022 voters considered global warming an important voting issue, there is a significant gap between the desire for action and actual political engagement. Support for climate-friendly infrastructure is generally higher at the national level than the local level, and a majority of voters believe corporations and government should do more to address global warming.

The 2022 Climate, Environmental, and Energy Congressional Hearings Tracker catalogs hearings held by various U.S. House and Senate committees. The tracker covers a wide array of topics including the Inflation Reduction Act, the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, electric vehicle infrastructure, methane pollution, and agricultural resiliency. It details the specific dates and titles of hearings across committees such as the House Select Committee on the Climate Crisis and the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources.

The report finds broad support among U.S. registered voters for renewable energy research, energy efficiency in low-income communities, and transitioning the economy to 100% clean energy by 2050. While 68% support the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) after reading a description, only 41% believe it will increase clean energy innovation and 34% believe it will reduce global warming. There is a significant gap between the willingness of voters to take political action and their actual engagement in the past year. Additionally, 75% of voters believe schools should teach children about global warming.

The report finds broad support among U.S. registered voters for clean energy research, energy efficiency in low-income communities, and transitioning to 100% clean energy by 2050. While 68% support the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) after reading a description, only 41% believe it will increase clean energy innovation and 34% believe it will reduce global warming. There is a strong consensus (75%) that schools should teach children about global warming, yet only 12% of voters believe the U.S. government is responding well to the issue.

The document argues that the DOE's proposed 4 kgCO2e/kgH2 standard is too weak and should be lowered to 1 kgCO2e/kgH2 to prioritize truly zero-emission hydrogen. It criticizes the GREET model for underestimating methane leakage and grid emissions, warns against the safety and environmental risks of carbon capture and storage (CCS), and demands that the hydrogen hub program incorporate strict environmental justice protections and community engagement.

A coalition of environmental organizations opposes Venture Global's CP2 Express Pipeline project, arguing that the application is incomplete, fails to assess cumulative environmental impacts, and violates the public trust duties of the Louisiana Department of Natural Resources.

The European Union's projected hydrogen demand is expected to rise from 8.3 Mtpy to over 60 Mtpy by 2050, with the World Energy Council estimating that 50% of this demand must be met through imports from regions such as the Middle East, North Africa, and the U.S. To ensure these imports are climate-beneficial, the Clean Air Task Force (CATF) advocates for a certification system that measures greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions across the entire value chain—including production, storage, transport, and conversion—rather than focusing solely on production facilities. The document highlights a regulatory gap, noting that the Gas Package's delegated act for GHG emissions methodology is not planned until 31 December 2024, which lags behind current market activities and Memoranda of Understanding. CATF recommends that the EU adopt a technology-inclusive approach covering renewable and low-carbon hydrogen (including blue hydrogen), incorporate stringent methane leakage criteria, and align its methodology with the Methane Regulation's monitoring, reporting, and verification requirements by 2027.

The European Union faces a significant hydrogen supply gap, with demand projected to rise from 8.3 million tonnes per year to over 60 million tonnes by 2050, necessitating imports from regions such as the Middle East, North Africa, and the USA. The Clean Air Task Force argues that current certification efforts are often voluntary or too narrow, focusing only on production plants rather than the full value chain. To avoid market uncertainty and investment risks, the document recommends that the EU's 'Gas Package' and subsequent delegated acts establish a technology-neutral certification methodology. This methodology must employ a full life-cycle analysis (LCA) that includes upstream methane leaks, transport, storage, and distribution to ensure genuine greenhouse gas reductions.

A survey of 908 registered U.S. voters conducted in April and May 2022 reveals that while global warming is a lower-ranked general voting priority, there is broad cross-partisan support for specific clean energy and conservation policies. The report highlights a significant divide between Democrats and Republicans regarding the urgency of climate action and the economic impact of clean energy, while noting widespread distrust in the U.S. government's response to the issue.

Reclaim Finance asserts that Shell's climate strategy is fundamentally flawed, predicting the company will overshoot its 1.5°C carbon budget by 40.9% by 2050 and exhaust it entirely by 2034. The organization criticizes Shell's reliance on carbon intensity metrics, nature-based offsets, and continued expansion into new oil and gas fields, including unconventional sectors like the Arctic and fracking. Consequently, it recommends that shareholders vote against the company's climate resolution, support a shareholder-led resolution for Paris-aligned targets, and vote against the reelection of 10 Board Directors.

The document asserts that hydrogen is a viable tool for decarbonization, potentially reducing US yearly carbon dioxide emissions by roughly 15 percent. It argues that while leaked hydrogen acts as an indirect greenhouse gas, its warming impact is significantly lower than that of methane from natural gas supply chains, especially when accounting for hydrogen's higher energy density. The text emphasizes that green hydrogen offers the most certain climate benefit and suggests that focusing deployment on industrial and transport hubs can further minimize leakage risks by reducing the need for extensive distribution networks.

Reclaim Finance asserts that Repsol's climate targets are inadequate, noting the company will overshoot its carbon budget by 78.7% by 2050. The statement highlights that Repsol plans to maintain oil and gas production at approximately 650 kboe/day through 2025 and allocate over 65% of CAPEX to fossil fuels, including high-risk projects in the Arctic and fracking. Despite goals for 20 GW of renewable capacity by 2030, the author argues this does not offset the lack of absolute emission reductions. Consequently, the document recommends shareholders vote against the 'Say on Climate' advisory vote and the reappointment of four directors responsible for fossil expansion.

The report contends that fossil gas cannot be considered a transition fuel due to significant methane leakage and the need for rapid decarbonisation by 2030. It argues that the EU's Complementary Delegated Act threatens the credibility of the EU Taxonomy by allowing fossil gas as a transitional activity. The document advocates for a rapid shift to low-carbon hydrogen, prioritised for hard-to-abate sectors, and warns against 'gas blending' as an inefficient decarbonisation strategy. It recommends the use of additionality requirements for electrolysers to prevent them from cannibalising renewable energy growth and suggests various financial mechanisms, including Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfDs) and green public procurement, to mobilise investment. The report also emphasizes the need for a Just Transition to protect workers and low-income households from the regressive effects of carbon pricing.

The briefing concludes that ENI is not on track for the 1.5°C climate goal, as its cumulative greenhouse gas emissions are projected to exceed its allocated carbon budget by at least 13.6% by 2050. The analysis finds that ENI's short-to-medium term plans are incompatible with 1.5°C because the company continues to invest in oil and gas expansion, with production expected to grow until 2025. Furthermore, the report argues that ENI relies unsustainably on carbon offsets and Carbon Capture Use and Storage (CCUS) to meet its targets, while its capital expenditure remains heavily focused on fossil fuels despite claims of diversification.

The US Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) lacks transparency regarding the greenhouse gas emissions intensities of the oils it stores, which hinders the ability to minimize climate impacts during drawdowns. The document notes that different oils vary significantly in their climate footprints based on production and refining methods, and that a mismatch exists between the SPR's lighter crudes and the deep-conversion refineries in Texas and Louisiana that primarily process them. It suggests that selectively purchasing the lowest climate-intensive oils for the current one-million-barrel daily withdrawal could save an estimated 90 million tons of CO2e.

The report argues that South Africa does not need new gas-fired power generation until at least 2035, if ever, due to the falling costs of renewables and battery storage. It warns that current government momentum toward gas-to-power, including the RMI4P program and proposed LNG terminals, risks creating stranded assets and increasing electricity costs for consumers. The authors recommend a moratorium on gas-to-power development, focusing instead on rapid renewable deployment and energy efficiency.

The report finds that the vast majority of analyzed coal companies have failed to implement credible phase-out plans, with only 6% meeting basic criteria. Many companies continue to expand coal capacity, set exit dates beyond 2040, or use 'greenwashing' tactics such as selling assets to other owners or converting coal plants to gas and biomass. The authors argue that current 'soft' engagement by financial institutions is ineffective due to a lack of strong sanctions, and they call for robust coal exit policies that condition financial services on Paris-aligned plans.