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The Kandy Declaration, emerging from the 3rd Global Nyéléni Forum in Sri Lanka, calls for a systemic transformation to combat the intersecting crises of climate, health, and food insecurity. It advocates for the protection of the 'commons'—including seeds, water, and land—against corporate extractivism and the 'blue' and 'green' neoliberal regimes. The document commits to a feminist and popular transition toward agroecology, a just energy transition, and the reform of the UN multilateral system to prioritize people over corporate interests.

The Production Gap Report 2025 finds that governments are collectively planning more fossil fuel production than in 2023, with 2030 projected levels exceeding 1.5°C-consistent pathways by over 120%. While some countries are developing net-zero aligned scenarios, most continue to expand production and provide substantial financial support for fossil fuels, undermining Paris Agreement commitments.

The report argues that G20 countries are locked into oil and gas systems due to economic, geopolitical, and institutional factors, despite climate commitments. It highlights a contradiction where G20 nations are on track to produce and consume more than twice the fossil fuels permitted under a 1.5°C pathway. The document analyzes the role of National Oil Companies (NOCs), the limitations of carbon capture and storage (CCS), and the regressive nature of fossil fuel subsidies. It proposes a 'Just Transition Taxonomy' to ensure the phase-out protects workers and marginalized communities, particularly in the Global South, and recommends legislating national phase-out plans and redirecting subsidies toward renewable energy.

The report finds that while CETP signatories have significantly reduced international public finance for fossil fuels, this has not been matched by a corresponding increase in clean energy support. It highlights ongoing policy violations by several high-income countries and the risk of backsliding due to political shifts, particularly the United States' exit from the partnership in February 2025. The authors recommend a joint quantitative target of at least USD 42 billion per year for clean energy in emerging markets and developing economies by 2026.

The report advocates for 24/7 Carbon-Free Energy (CFE) as a mechanism to ensure a just energy transition. By requiring corporations to match their electricity consumption with carbon-free generation on an hourly and local basis, 24/7 CFE incentivizes a diverse portfolio of energy resources beyond just wind and solar, including next-generation 'clean firm' technologies. This approach is presented as a way to create high-quality, permanent jobs for dislocated fossil fuel workers, reduce local air pollution, and enhance grid resilience. The document aligns 24/7 CFE with the G20's Just and Inclusive Energy Transition (JIET) Compact and provides best practices for corporate buyers to maximize social and economic benefits through community engagement and equitable hiring.

The report examines climate litigation in the oil and gas sectors of Latin America and the Caribbean, highlighting a strong reliance on human rights and constitutional frameworks. While the region leads the Global South in climate cases, it faces significant barriers including institutional weaknesses, violence against environmental defenders, and a gap in scientific evidence. The study contrasts these with Global North trends, such as 'climate washing' and corporate-focused lawsuits, and discusses the potential for transnational litigation to hold Northern companies accountable for Southern impacts.

The report advocates for Australia to set a 2035 emissions reduction target of at least 75% below 2005 levels, aligning with a 1.5°C pathway. It argues that such a target provides the predictability businesses need for capital allocation and infrastructure investment, while mitigating risks associated with fossil fuel dependence. The authors propose a comprehensive implementation framework including sectoral pathways, a National Climate Investment and Accountability Council, and blended finance platforms to drive the transition.

The submission argues that South Africa's draft second NDC lacks sufficient ambition and fails to reflect the 'highest possible ambition' required by the Paris Agreement. It proposes more stringent emission targets—350 Mt CO2e for 2025-2030 and 248 Mt CO2e for 2031-2035—based on 'fair share' calculations and the best available science. The document highlights legal risks under the South African Constitution, the Climate Change Act, and NEMA, while criticizing the Department of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment (DFFE) for a non-transparent process that delayed the release of the underlying technical report. It further calls for a stronger focus on phasing out fossil fuels, enhancing climate adaptation for vulnerable groups, and incorporating climate justice principles from the Presidential Climate Commission's recommendations.

The document defines Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as national plans to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and build climate resilience, required every five years under the Paris Agreement. It highlights a significant 'implementation gap,' noting that current policies could lead to 3.1 degrees C of warming by 2100. The guide outlines five essential components for the 2025 NDCs—ambitious targets, sector-specific measures, adaptation strategies, investment policies, and just transition principles—and discusses the financial and technical support needed by developing countries to meet their conditional pledges.

The document asserts that nearly 800 million people face chronic hunger due to a global food system that prioritises corporate profit over people, leading to artificially inflated prices and significant environmental damage.

The document defines green industrial policy as government strategies to develop sustainable industries, such as renewable energy and green steel, while phasing out polluting sectors. It highlights that fossil fuel subsidies, which reached $7 trillion worldwide in 2022, hinder the competitiveness of renewables. While countries like China, the US, and EU members have successfully used national policies to boost green tech, developing nations face barriers including limited financing, skills shortages, and intellectual property restrictions. The author argues that the G20 must ensure a just transition by promoting technology transfer, fair trade, and the creation of decent work, while avoiding policies like the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism that may penalise carbon-intensive developing economies.

The document advises communicators to frame net zero as a means to achieve a 'better future' with concrete benefits like cleaner air and good jobs, rather than defending it through statistics. It provides tailored messaging for five UK audience segments: Progressive Activists, Incrementalist Lefts, Established Liberals, Sceptical Scrollers, and Rooted Patriots, emphasizing local improvements, moral leadership, and the protection of British livelihoods and nature.

South Africa's 2025 G20 presidency marks the end of the group's first cycle, occurring amidst a global shift away from multilateralism and consensus. South Africa has focused its presidency on "solidarity, equality, and sustainability," prioritizing disaster resilience, debt sustainability for low-income countries, finance for a just energy transition, and the sustainable use of critical minerals. However, these goals face significant opposition from the second Trump administration, which has rejected the Paris Agreement, the Sustainable Development Goals, and priorities related to climate change and DEI. The document argues that the G20 must evolve its modus operandi to remain relevant in a divided world and ensure that developmental commitments for the Global South are maintained beyond 2026.

The report examines how people in Britain perceive the financial impact of climate policies, noting that while many fear costs, few believe scrapping these policies would save them money. It highlights a strong public desire for a 'just transition' where the least well-off are protected and big polluting companies are held accountable. The findings suggest that framing climate action as an investment in a prosperous future is more compelling than technical terminology.

The document finds that while 74% of people in Britain consider climate change an important issue, their support for specific actions is heavily influenced by the language used. Framing climate action as 'protecting our environment' (59% support) is more effective than using technical terms like 'net zero' (43% support). There is a strong, unifying connection between climate change and nature, with 'harm to nature and wildlife' being the top concern for 41% of respondents. The report highlights that people across all socio-economic backgrounds are concerned, though many distance themselves from the topic due to immediate life pressures or the depressing nature of the subject. It recommends using tangible, local examples of progress and a holistic approach that links climate action with nature preservation to increase public engagement.

The document assesses the failure of South Africa's current free basic services (FBS) framework to provide a meaningful social wage for the millions of households living below the poverty line. It identifies three primary barriers: exclusionary municipal indigent policies, benefit levels (especially electricity) that are too low to meet developmental access needs, and restrictive conditions that hinder productive activities. The brief advocates for a redesign of the FBS and indigent register system that remains compatible with national budget constraints.

The Global Climate and Health Alliance (GCHA) argues that South Africa's draft NDC should align emissions targets with a 1.5°C trajectory to avoid health hazards and better quantify the health-related costs of air pollution. The submission recommends developing integrated climate-health surveillance systems, expanding the reach of impact-based early warning systems to rural areas, and engaging the Department of Health across sectors to maximize co-benefits. It highlights that PM2.5 air pollution caused an estimated 42,000 deaths in 2023 and costs the economy approximately USD 52 billion annually, suggesting that meeting WHO guidelines could save 30,000 lives per year.

The report argues that existing financing for South Africa's just transition, such as the Just Energy Transition Investment Plan (JET-IP), prioritises private profit over social justice and is insufficient in scale. It proposes a cohesive framework anchored in worker demands and a new macroeconomic structure. Key recommendations include the creation of a Climate Response Fund (CRF) funded by carbon taxes and fuel levies, a shift toward 'promotional' monetary policy by the South African Reserve Bank to incentivise green lending, and the recapitalisation of the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) to provide long-term, patient capital for public goods.

The report argues that South Africa's current Just Energy Transition Investment Plan (JET-IP) relies too heavily on private finance and de-risking, which may increase energy costs and fail to ensure a socially just transition. It proposes a cohesive framework based on worker demands, featuring a Climate Response Fund (CRF) funded by carbon taxes and fuel levies, a promotional monetary policy to direct credit toward green industrialisation, and the reform of Development Finance Institutions (DFIs) like the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) to provide long-term, patient capital.

The G20 is a consensus-seeking dialogue mechanism established in 1999 to address global financial crises, comprising 19 countries, the European Union, and the African Union. It operates through a rotating presidency—with South Africa hosting in 2025—and is organized into Finance and Sherpa tracks. While it lacks a formal international mandate or binding decision-making power, it provides a platform for global economic coordination and civil society engagement via 'Engagement Groups' such as the C20.