Search Climate Insights Directory

The submission contends that ISDS mechanisms allow fossil fuel companies to shift the financial risk of stranded assets onto taxpayers and create a 'regulatory chill' that discourages governments from implementing emissions-reduction policies. It highlights that the fossil fuel industry is the most litigious sector in ISDS, accounting for nearly 20% of cases. The authors argue that the perceived benefits of investment agreements in attracting renewable energy are unproven, while the costs—including massive compensation awards—are high. To align investment law with the Paris Agreement, the document recommends the OECD explore multilateral termination of treaties, the removal of protections for carbon-intensive investments, and the creation of 'climate carve-outs' to exempt climate-related measures from arbitration.

The submission argues that current international investment agreements and the ISDS system create a 'regulatory chill' that discourages states from implementing urgent climate policies. It highlights the risk of fossil fuel companies using ISDS to secure massive payouts for 'stranded assets' and recommends that the OECD support multilateral termination of old treaties, the removal of protections for carbon-intensive investments, and the creation of climate-related carve-outs.

The document reports an increase in Indonesia's projected fossil fuel subsidies for 2022 and notes that the country missed its 2021 renewable energy investment and electricity mix targets due to pandemic-related project delays.

The policy brief examines the long-standing tension between the World Trade Organization's (WTO) focus on trade liberalization and the need for environmental protection. It highlights the failure of the Committee on Trade and Environment (CTE) to produce recommendations and the persistence of harmful subsidies in agriculture, fisheries, and fossil fuels. The author argues that the WTO must integrate science-policy interfaces and prioritize sustainable development to support the Paris Agreement and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, noting recent member-led initiatives on plastics and climate as potential paths forward.

The report finds that British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Newfoundland and Labrador provided at least CAD 2.5 billion in fossil fuel subsidies in FY 2020/21 and CAD 1.5 billion in FY 2021/22. It argues that these subsidies incentivize production that might not otherwise occur and hinder Canada's ability to meet its 1.5°C climate target.

The polluter-pays principle (PPP) requires those who produce pollution to bear the costs of managing it to prevent damage to human health and the environment. While established in the European Union and OECD, it is not yet a customary international norm due to ambiguities in defining 'the polluter' and varying national implementations. In climate change law, the PPP informs debates on loss and damage and is indirectly present in the Paris Agreement through nationally determined contributions and climate finance. The document suggests that combining the PPP with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR) could help the Global North absorb costs for environmental harms caused in the Global South.

The document argues that climate change is a scientific imperative that should be central to all levels of political reporting, regardless of party affiliation. It encourages journalists to hold candidates accountable for their climate records, explore the implications of the Green New Deal and similar global investment programs, and humanize the crisis by focusing on local impacts and environmental justice. Additionally, it highlights the influence of youth activists and the importance of tracking campaign financing from fossil fuel interests to reveal a candidate's true environmental allegiances.

The report identifies that four major Canadian fossil fuel-producing provinces provided at least CAD 2.5 billion in subsidies in FY 2020/21 and 1.5 billion in FY 2021/22 (up to December 2021). These subsidies, consisting of royalty reductions, tax exemptions, and direct transfers, are described as incompatible with 1.5°C goals and a hindrance to Canada's Paris Agreement obligations. The authors highlight a lack of transparency in provincial budgeting and a trend of using fossil fuel support as a COVID-19 recovery strategy. The report recommends that provinces increase transparency, align with federal targets to phase out subsidies by 2023, cease creating new subsidies, and collaborate with the federal government.

The document assesses Indonesia's progress toward its 23% renewable energy target by 2025, identifying a significant investment gap of approximately USD 29 billion. It analyzes roadblocks such as non-cost-reflective pricing, fragmented regulations, and the dominance of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in the electricity sector. The brief evaluates existing support mechanisms, including Green Sukuk, tax incentives, and the roles of Public Financial Institutions (PFIs) like PT SMI and the Indonesia Investment Authority (INA). It recommends reforming fossil-fuel subsidies, implementing renewable energy auctions, and mandating SOEs like PT PLN and PT Pertamina to prioritize clean energy to mobilize the private capital necessary for a fossil-free recovery.

The polluter-pays principle (PPP) requires that the costs of pollution be borne by those responsible for causing it. While established in the EU and OECD, it is not a customary international norm due to varying state definitions and implementation complexities. In climate law, the PPP is relevant to loss and damage and carbon pricing, though it is not explicitly mentioned in the UNFCCC, Kyoto Protocol, or Paris Agreement. The document suggests that combining the PPP with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR) could ensure that Global North entities absorb the costs of environmental harms caused in the Global South.

The report finds that South Africa's energy fiscal policies are largely misaligned with its climate goals, with fossil fuel subsidies totaling ZAR 172 billion in FY 2020/21. These subsidies, particularly Eskom bailouts and carbon tax exemptions, outweigh the ZAR 100.5 billion in fossil fuel revenues. The social costs of fossil fuel combustion—estimated at a minimum of ZAR 550 billion annually—far exceed both revenues and subsidies. While the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP) has successfully lowered renewable energy costs, investment has been hindered by political opposition and Eskom's financial instability. The report recommends tying bailouts to transition reforms, phasing out carbon tax exemptions, and using fossil fuel tax revenues to support vulnerable households and a just transition.

The policy brief argues that most recovery packages in Latin America and the Caribbean are 'inertial' and environmentally negative, prioritizing short-term economic growth over long-term climate sustainability. It highlights a significant gap between national climate commitments (NDCs) and actual recovery spending, noting a trend toward fossil fuel subsidies and increased deforestation. The document recommends integrating social justice, gender equity, and systemic resilience into recovery plans, while urging governments to adopt green taxonomies and align financial incentives with the 1.5°C goal.

The CAPE Strategic Plan 2022–2024 establishes a framework to mobilize health professionals to advocate for planetary health in Canada. The plan is organized around six priorities: transitioning to a wellbeing economy, eliminating toxics, addressing the climate crisis, protecting nature, advancing equity and justice, and increasing organizational capacity. Key objectives include advocating for a legal right to a healthy environment, phasing out fossil fuel subsidies, and implementing a Quality of Life Framework in government decision-making.

The report finds that while global climate finance almost doubled between 2011 and 2020 to a cumulative USD 4.8 trillion, current growth rates are insufficient to meet climate goals. Renewable energy dominates mitigation finance, while adaptation and sectors like agriculture and industry remain severely underfunded. A significant barrier is the continued high level of fossil fuel subsidies, which exceeded total climate finance during the decade. The report emphasizes the need for a 20% annual increase in finance by 2030, reaching USD 4.3 trillion annually, and calls for holistic sectoral strategies and a shift in the financial paradigm to mobilize private capital.

The study examines potential mechanisms for a voluntary standstill on inefficient fossil fuel subsidies within APEC, proposing inventory-based, value-based, or hybrid approaches to ensure subsidies do not increase and to complement existing reform efforts.

The Declaration on a Green COVID-19 Recovery argues that current recovery policies are failing by supporting fossil fuels and entrenching inequality. It calls for a mass movement of informed citizens to hold power to account and demands specific transformative measures, including a dedicated green recovery finance package for the global south, the end of fossil fuel subsidies, and the implementation of inclusive governance through citizen assemblies.

The We Mean Business Coalition asserts that the global energy system is vulnerable due to fossil fuel subsidies and unpredictable weather, as evidenced by Storm Arwen and European supply issues. It advocates for the immediate end of public coal financing, the removal of fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, and increased public investment in green infrastructure. The text highlights the role of corporate initiatives like RE100 and the First Movers Coalition in driving demand for renewables, while noting that countries such as China, Japan, and South Korea remain difficult geographies for sourcing renewable energy.

ClientEarth argues that current Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapters in EU FTAs are often insufficient and lack effective enforcement. The document proposes a 'blueprint' to integrate core environmental principles into the general chapters of agreements, make ratification conditional on multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs), and introduce a robust system of sanctions for non-compliance. It specifically advocates for the systematic inclusion of the precautionary principle and the creation of reciprocal complaint mechanisms for civil society. The briefing also details specific legal obligations the EU should seek regarding climate (1.5°C limit), biodiversity (30% protected areas), deforestation-free products, and the elimination of harmful fisheries subsidies.

The report argues that achieving Paris Agreement goals in Latin America requires comprehensive policy frameworks and long-term visions to provide the planning certainty necessary to mobilise private capital for decarbonisation.

The We Mean Business Coalition welcomes the Glasgow Climate Pact as a vital framework for keeping global warming to 1.5°C, noting that it provides the certitude needed for business to scale up climate solutions. The coalition emphasizes the need to fast-track the implementation of national plans and pledges, specifically calling for the phase-out of coal-fired power by 2030 for advanced economies and 2040 for others, and the removal of fossil fuel subsidies by 2025. The statement highlights the importance of the Net-Zero Standard from the Science Based Target initiative (SBTi), the creation of the International Sustainability Standards Board (ISSB) for global reporting, and the agreement on Article 6 rules for carbon markets to drive deep decarbonization.