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The report finds that limiting global warming to 1.5C requires a rapid decline in oil and gas production, with a minimum 65% reduction by 2050. It argues that developing new oil and gas fields is incompatible with this goal and would likely create stranded assets. To replace fossil fuels, the world must significantly scale up wind and solar deployment; the annual investment gap for these technologies is estimated at USD 450 billion until 2030, a sum that could be covered by redirecting funds currently slated for new fossil fuel exploration (USD 570 billion annually). The report also examines the 'dash for gas' in Europe following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, concluding that existing infrastructure can meet medium-to-long-term demand if consumption is reduced. Finally, it highlights legal risks from investment treaties, which could cost governments up to USD 340 billion in compensation claims, and criticizes the lack of transparency and ambition in corporate net-zero targets.

The report examines the potential for accelerating the phase-out of oil and gas production in the Danish North Sea, specifically questioning the economic impacts and the point at which these activities become unprofitable for the state.

A coalition of environmental and community groups argues that SSM exemptions in Clean Air Act section 111 regulations are unlawful and disproportionately harm low-income communities and communities of color. The petitioners claim these loopholes allow industrial facilities to emit pollutants far exceeding normal levels without consequence, particularly during natural disasters. They assert that the D.C. Circuit's ruling in Sierra Club v. EPA established that emissions standards must apply continuously, making the current SSM exemptions and the 'general duty' provision legally invalid. The document calls for a unified rulemaking to remove all remaining NSPS and NESHAP loopholes to ensure public health protection and environmental justice.

The statement calls on reinsurers Munich Re and SCOR to follow the lead of Swiss Re and Hannover Re by ending the underwriting of risks linked to oil and gas production expansion, citing the increase in extreme climatic events in 2022.

The statement highlights the financial impact of climate-driven natural disasters on European reinsurers and urges SCOR and Munich Re to align with Swiss Re and Hannover Re by ending reinsurance for new oil and gas production projects.

California has passed a series of climate and energy measures to increase clean energy options and accelerate infrastructure projects to meet its ambitious emissions goals and ensure grid reliability.

The analysis finds that 236 counties in 21 US states face cancer risks exceeding the EPA's one-in-a-million threshold due to oil and gas pollution, affecting nearly 14 million people. The report identifies benzene, formaldehyde, and acetaldehyde as the primary drivers of this risk, accounting for 96% of the estimated cancer risk. It highlights that the population living in high-risk counties increased from 9 million in 2016 to 14 million in 2022, primarily due to industry growth. The report argues that implementing proven methane-reduction technologies, such as leak detection and repair and the replacement of gas-driven pneumatic equipment, would also significantly reduce toxic hazardous air pollution.

The report identifies over 230 advertising and PR companies that continue to work for the fossil fuel industry despite making public net-zero or sustainability commitments. It specifically examines holding companies like WPP, IPG, Dentsu, Publicis, and Omnicom, as well as the PR firm Edelman, noting that many have erased fossil fuel clients from their websites or refuse to disclose client lists. The document highlights a disconnect between internal corporate goals—such as WPP's 2030 net-zero value chain target or IPG's 2040 net-zero goal—and their continued representation of companies like ExxonMobil, Shell, and Saudi Aramco. It also details legal challenges and accusations of greenwashing linked to these partnerships, such as lawsuits against WPP's work for BP and Shell. The report concludes by calling for the advertising industry to stop supporting fossil fuel clients to avoid complicity in climate disinformation.

The authors argue that while the youth climate movement successfully raised global awareness between 2018 and 2022, it has failed to disrupt the systemic forces of ecological breakdown. They suggest the movement must move beyond the 'listen to the science' narrative, which they claim ignores the power dynamics and political-economic drivers of the crisis. To support this evolution, the authors have established Climate Vanguard, a youth-led think tank designed to provide research and communications to help the movement target root causes and build coalitions with frontline communities and workers.

The report details a corporate campaign to implement municipal preemption laws that block local governments from accessing courts to recover climate-related damages. It identifies a 'triumvirate' of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, ALEC, and NAM as the primary architects of this strategy, drawing parallels to previous industry efforts to avoid liability in the tobacco and opioid sectors. The document outlines specific legislative tactics used to stifle litigation and provides a framework for municipal leaders to recognize and repeal such preemption laws, while suggesting proactive legislative measures to protect local legal autonomy.

The SAIIA Young Leaders Declaration 2022 outlines youth-led demands for climate justice and sustainable development, specifically targeting South Africa's energy transition and the Global South's vulnerabilities. It calls for the urgent implementation of the Just Transition Framework, the removal of the 100MW limit for renewable energy supply from Independent Power Producers, and the integration of youth and marginalized genders into policy writing. Beyond climate, the declaration advocates for the decolonization of African educational curricula, the protection of informal workers, and the eradication of the 'pink tax'. It concludes with pledges from both youth and educators to foster leadership and civic engagement to achieve a more equitable society.

The report finds that targeted methane abatement finance is severely underfunded, representing less than 2% of total climate finance at USD 11.6 billion in 2019/2020. Despite the high mitigation potential and availability of low-cost technologies, particularly in the fossil fuel sector, investment is disproportionately concentrated in the waste sector. The authors argue that a tenfold increase in annual finance is required to meet the estimated USD 119 billion needed to keep warming under +2C.

The report finds that targeted methane abatement finance is severely underfunded, representing less than 2% of total climate finance in 2019/2020. While the fossil fuel and AFOLU sectors are the largest emitters, the waste sector received the majority of funding. The authors argue that a ten-fold increase in annual investment is required to meet climate goals and recommend stronger regulatory signals, improved emission measurement, and dedicated project pipelines to close the finance gap.

The document distinguishes between climate misinformation (unintentional) and disinformation (intentional), adopting the Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD) definition. It identifies two primary drivers for creating this content: protecting fossil fuel profits and exploiting the 'attention economy' for revenue or influence. The guide focuses on 'Persuadables'—the approximately 69% of the UK population who are neither activists nor deniers—and categorises misinformation into four types: climate denial, climate delay, greenwashing, and conspiracy theories. Climate delay is identified as the most common and effective form in the UK, often employing 'The Cost Of Net Zero' frame or exploiting 'culture wars' through the 'eco-hypocrite' narrative. Greenwashing is highlighted as a specific form of delay driven by large marketing budgets, while climate conspiracy theories, such as 'climate lockdowns' and opposition to '15-minute cities', are noted as growing risks.

The Net Zero Stocktake 2022 finds that while net zero target setting is becoming nearly universal at the national level and increasing among corporations and cities, a significant lack of credibility and robustness persists. Fewer than one-fifth of national and sub-national targets meet minimum procedural standards, and 65% of corporate targets fail these same standards. The report highlights a widespread lack of transparency regarding the use of external offset credits and a deficiency in Scope 3 emissions coverage among companies.

The text examines the crisis in UK higher education, highlighting industrial disputes led by the University and College Union (UCU) over pay, pensions, and precarious working conditions. It critiques the 'academic capitalism' model, where students are treated as customers and universities as businesses, noting that this system undermines the critical thinking needed to address climate change. The author advocates for the abolition of student fees, the democratisation of university governance, and a shift in mission toward leading radical transformations for a just and sustainable future.

This briefing by the Center for International Environmental Law provides a roadmap and initial reflections on the May 6, 2022, final report issued by the Philippines Commission on Human Rights (CHR) following a seven-year National Inquiry on Climate Change.

The Philippines Commission on Human Rights (CHR) concluded a seven-year inquiry finding that 47 'Carbon Majors' companies contributed significantly to global emissions and engaged in 'willful obfuscation' of climate science despite knowing the risks since at least 1965. The report details severe human rights impacts in the Philippines, including threats to the rights to life, health, food security, and water, disproportionately affecting vulnerable groups such as women, children, and Indigenous Peoples. The CHR asserts that these companies, and the financial institutions that fund them, have a responsibility to respect human rights and provide remediation for climate-driven harms. It recommends that states implement punitive laws for environmental harm, put a price on pollution, and transition to renewable energy by 2030 to meet the 1.5°C limit.

The statement criticizes the high profits of fossil fuel companies like Eni, Exxon, and Chevron amidst rising energy poverty in Europe, particularly in Italy. It advocates for the European Commission's REPowerEU plan to allow Member States to tax windfall profits, which the IEA estimates could generate €200 billion in 2022. Additionally, it calls for the EU ETS2 revision to ensure big polluters absorb carbon costs to protect vulnerable households.

Reclaim Finance argues that Equinor's energy transition plan, submitted for a 'Say on Climate' vote on May 11, 2022, fails to align with the 1.5°C warming limit. The organization claims the company will exceed its carbon budget by 25.6% by 2050 and will have consumed 69.1% of its remaining carbon budget by 2030 due to a continued reliance on oil field production and development.