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The document outlines a framework for evaluating whether Canada's public policy regime adequately addresses threats to its freshwaters. It introduces a hierarchical threat classification system based on the IUCN approach, categorizing threats into quantity, quality, habitat, and pervasive/cross-cutting classes. Through a sample analysis of 26 water management instruments, the author demonstrates a methodology to identify policy gaps and scientific research needs. The paper argues that a coordinated, pan-Canadian approach is necessary to align water science with policy to protect aquatic biodiversity and resources, particularly in the face of climate change.

The report examines the systemic challenges to scientific integrity in the US federal government, contrasting the widespread suppression of science during the George W. Bush administration with the partial progress made under Barack Obama. It argues that while the Obama administration established scientific integrity policies and improved morale, significant gaps remained in implementation, transparency, and the prevention of political interference in rulemaking. The document provides a framework and specific recommendations for the Trump administration to protect independent science, increase government transparency, and enhance public participation to ensure evidence-based decisionmaking.

Between 2010 and 2014, the Federated States of Micronesia received US$ 3.93 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change, with 99.4% (US$ 3.91 million) dedicated to adaptation. Australia was the primary source of this funding, with the largest allocations directed toward environmental research and disaster prevention and preparedness. Additionally, between January 2015 and September 2016, the country received US$ 0.3 million from the Green Climate Fund for readiness support and US$ 0.85 million from the Global Environment Facility for reporting purposes.

Between 2010 and 2014, Kiribati received US$30.5 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change objectives, with a majority supporting mitigation. An additional US$81.7 million in ODA provided climate co-benefits. The primary contributors were Australia, the United Arab Emirates, and the Global Environment Facility, with funding concentrated in environmental policy and solar energy.

Between 2010 and 2014, the Republic of the Marshall Islands received US$7.9 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change, with the Global Environment Facility and Australia as the primary sources. Mitigation activities received the largest share of this funding (50.8%), followed by adaptation (44.4%).

Between 2010 and 2014, Papua New Guinea received US$41.4 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically for climate change, with a majority (60.6%) supporting mitigation. An additional US$147.4 million in ODA provided climate co-benefits. Major donors included Australia, Japan, the European Union, and the Adaptation Fund. From January 2015 to September 2016, further allocations were made via the Pilot Program for Climate Resilience (US$25 million), the Global Environment Facility (US$2.84 million), and the Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (US$3.8 million).

Between 2010 and 2014, Timor Leste received US$102.5 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change, with a strong emphasis on adaptation and water-related infrastructure. Japan, Australia, and the Least Developed Countries Fund were the primary contributors, focusing on irrigation, water and sanitation, and environmental policy respectively.

Between 2010 and 2014, Tonga received US$67.4 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change, with a majority (59.7%) supporting mitigation. The primary contributors were Japan and the Climate Investment Funds (CIFs), with significant funding directed toward renewable energy and environmental policy. Additionally, Tonga was allocated US$2.64 million from the Global Environment Facility for a renewable energy project between January 2015 and September 2016.

Between 2010 and 2014, Tuvalu received US$37.9 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change, with a significant portion dedicated to renewable energy. Major contributors during this period included New Zealand, the United Arab Emirates, and the Global Environment Facility. Additionally, between January 2015 and September 2016, Tuvalu was allocated US$36 million from the Green Climate Fund for coastal adaptation and US$2.64 million from the Global Environment Facility for national energy targets.

Between 2010 and 2014, Vanuatu received US$49.4 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change, with a majority supporting mitigation. The primary sources of this funding were the Global Environment Facility, Australia, and the United Arab Emirates, focusing on environmental policy, renewables, and disaster preparedness. Additionally, between January 2015 and September 2016, Vanuatu received further allocations from the Green Climate Fund, the LDCF, and the Scaling Up Renewable Energy Program.

Between 2010 and 2014, Samoa received US$98.2 million in grant-equivalent finance specifically targeting climate change, with 68.5% dedicated to adaptation and 30% to mitigation. The largest funding sources were the Climate Investment Funds and the Global Environment Facility, with primary sectoral allocations going toward environmental policy, renewable energy, and road transport. Additionally, Samoa was allocated US$6.1 million from the Global Environment Facility between January 2015 and September 2016 for renewable energy system improvements.

The report evaluates the early stages of SDG implementation in the Baltic Sea Region (BSR), analyzing 11 countries: Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Poland, Russia, and Sweden. It finds that while the region performs well in areas like poverty reduction, renewable energy share, and corruption, it struggles significantly with domestic material consumption and energy intensity. Implementation is currently fragmented, with varying institutional responsibilities and a general reliance on existing administrative structures. The report emphasizes a critical need for improved monitoring systems and stronger political leadership at the parliamentary level to ensure the 2030 Agenda is integrated across all government sectors.

The statement highlights the systemic failure to provide linguistically and culturally appropriate health warnings to the Latino community during the Flint water crisis. It notes that fear of deportation and a lack of Spanish-language information prevented many undocumented families from accessing safe water and medical services. The author advocates for a national lead prevention strategy and immediate federal funding of approximately 1.5 billion dollars to replace corroded water infrastructure in Flint.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) reported total assets of $108,201,902 and total net assets of $90,746,134 as of September 30, 2016. The organization's total revenue for the 2016 fiscal year was $99,365,271, with total expenses amounting to $89,632,638. An independent audit by Grant Thornton LLP issued an unmodified opinion, stating that the financial statements present fairly the financial position of the Institute and its subsidiaries. The report details WRI's operational focus on six critical issues: Climate, Energy, Food, Forests, Water, and Cities and Transport, supported by a global network and staff across multiple legal entities including WRI India, WRI China, and WRI Europe.

The case study examines the trajectory of the Croatian Green party ORaH, which peaked at 16.8% approval in 2014 before collapsing to 0.6% after the 2016 elections. The author attributes this failure to a combination of strategic errors—such as supporting a candidate perceived as a satellite of the SDP—and internal structural weaknesses, including a lack of political experience among 80% of its members and an 'elitist' communication style. The text concludes that future Green success in Croatia requires a bottom-up organizational approach and stronger knowledge transfer from Western Green organizations.

The research paper examines the trajectory of Održivi razvoj Hrvatske (ORaH), the first green party in Croatia, which saw its popularity peak at 16.8% in 2014 before collapsing to 0.6% by 2016. The author attributes this failure to a combination of strategic political errors—specifically the decision to support incumbent President Ivo Josipović—and internal structural weaknesses, including a 'top-down' organizational approach and a lack of grassroots infrastructure. The text concludes that while there is a growing appetite for green ideas in Croatia and Southeast Europe, future success for green parties depends on building stable bases through grassroots movements rather than relying on the charisma of a single leader.

ORaH emerged in 2013 as a promising Green alternative in Croatia, peaking at a 16.8% approval rating in October 2014. However, the party suffered a steep decline, falling to 0.6% after the 2016 parliamentary elections. This failure is attributed to a combination of strategic miscalculations—specifically the decision to support incumbent Ivo Josipović in the presidential elections—and internal structural weaknesses, including a lack of political experience among 80% of its members and a 'top-down approach' that failed to build a grassroots base. The party was also perceived as a 'virtual party' and an 'SDP satellite', eventually being overtaken by other 'third option' parties like Živi zid and Most.

The letter argues that the European Commission is ignoring European Parliament recommendations regarding public health, environmental protection, and democratic oversight in TTIP negotiations.

The 2016 SPAC report proposes a strategic framework to increase the visibility of the IAI among public and private decision-makers, align research with regional policy demands, and diversify funding sources. It recommends creating a long-term science-policy integrator network and improving the capacity of the IAI's Science-Policy Liaison Directorate (SPLD) to better translate research into policy-relevant information.

The authors propose that Canada use the Federal Sustainable Development Act and the Federal Sustainable Development Strategy (FSDS) as the primary vehicles for implementing the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) domestically. They argue that the FSDS must evolve from a narrow environmental focus to a comprehensive economic, social, and environmental agenda to avoid losing critical time in the 15-year window to achieve the 2030 Agenda.