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The guide establishes five principal areas for network assessment: effectiveness, structure and governance, efficiency, resources and sustainability, and life-cycle analysis. It argues that networks should be measured against external benchmarks and strategic plans rather than just member expectations. The document details indicators for tracking changes in knowledge bases, communications practices, and relationships, while proposing a four-stage life-cycle model (formative, growth, decline/renewal, and sustainability) to contextualize network performance over time.

The report examines decentralization reforms in countries including Bolivia, Brazil, Cameroon, China, India, Indonesia, Mali, Mexico, Mongolia, Nicaragua, Senegal, South Africa, Thailand, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. It finds that most reforms fail to establish the necessary institutional infrastructure for democratic decentralization, often resulting in privatization or deconcentration instead. The author argues that for decentralization to be equitable and efficient, powers must be transferred to elected local governments that are accountable to the local population, rather than to customary authorities or NGOs. The report highlights that central governments frequently resist genuine power transfers by using 'capacity' arguments as an excuse to retain control over lucrative resources. It recommends shifting from complex management planning to a system of minimum environmental standards and sequencing power transfers to prioritize political and allocative decisions over technical ones.

The document examines how information and communication technology (ICT) can be harnessed for sustainable development while warning of negative environmental impacts and the need for policy coherence.

This fact sheet outlines the evolution of sustainable development from the 1960s through 2002. It tracks the transition from early environmental warnings, such as Rachel Carson's Silent Spring, to the establishment of major international frameworks like the 1992 Earth Summit and the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. The timeline highlights the increasing integration of social equity, economic development, and environmental protection, noting the roles of NGOs, intergovernmental bodies, and scientific discoveries in driving global policy.

This fact sheet traces the evolution of sustainable development from the 1960s to 2002. It highlights a progression from early environmental warnings, such as Rachel Carson's 1962 work, to the establishment of major international frameworks like the 1987 Brundtland Report and the 1992 Rio Earth Summit. The timeline documents the rise of environmental NGOs, the creation of UN agencies like UNEP, and the development of climate-specific agreements including the Montreal Protocol and the Kyoto Protocol. It also notes the intersection of sustainability with social issues, such as poverty eradication, human rights, and gender equality, culminating in the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg.

The research assesses five case studies—three in Stockholm and two in Yorkshire—to determine if lay citizens can effectively validate technical environmental policies. It finds that while citizens are capable of this, systemic barriers such as inappropriate participatory techniques, lack of managerial skills, and institutional inflexibility often hinder meaningful involvement. The study contrasts government-led initiatives, which often treat participation as a tool for awareness and public assent, with citizen-led initiatives that demonstrate higher levels of control and knowledge generation.

The proceedings detail the challenges faced by Eastern and Southern African nations in establishing biosafety regulatory frameworks. It emphasizes the critical gaps in human resources, laboratory infrastructure, and public awareness across knowledge-generating institutions, government bodies, and civil society. The report argues for a regional, resource-sharing approach to risk assessment and data validation to overcome the financial and technical limitations of individual countries.

The report examines how the GATS, as both a trade and investment agreement, may constrain national environmental policies through its broad scope and non-discrimination obligations. It highlights risks associated with the 'market access' and 'national treatment' phases, the potential for 'de facto' discrimination to invalidate neutral environmental rules, and the dangers of introducing a 'necessity test' for domestic regulations. The authors argue that the GATS environmental exception (Article XIV) is significantly weaker than the GATT equivalent and call for its expansion. Key recommendations include conducting comprehensive Sustainability Impact Assessments, excluding 'public services' like water and energy from liberalization, and ensuring that environmental protection is explicitly recognized as a legitimate policy objective in all future disciplines.

The report argues that most collaboration models for sustainable development fail to influence policy because they lack strategic intention and a focus on decision-makers. It defines 'formal knowledge networks' as groups of expert institutions that are purpose-driven, implementation-oriented, and cross-sectoral. The author outlines seven operating principles for these networks, emphasizing that they must be built on institutional commitment and expertise rather than mere interest. The document also categorizes various collaboration models—including strategic alliances, communities of practice, and information networks—and provides a framework for the management, communication, and evaluation of formal networks to ensure research is converted into action.

The document is a participant list for the VI IAI Conference of the Parties Meeting held in July 2000 in Mexico. It identifies representatives from various national governments, international organizations, and the IAI staff.

The document explains the role and procedures of the World Bank Inspection Panel, a quasi-independent body created in 1993 to investigate claims from people harmed by Bank-financed projects. It details eligibility requirements for filing claims, the step-by-step process from registration to Board decision, and the practical challenges claimants face, such as political manipulation and the risk of reprisals. The guide also compares the Panel to accountability mechanisms at the Inter-American Development Bank and Asian Development Bank, and provides resources for accessing World Bank policies.

The briefing paper examines the risks of including a WTO supremacy clause in the draft POPs Convention, specifically in article N bis. It argues that such a clause would subordinate environmental goals to trade rules, undermine existing WTO environmental exceptions, and inappropriately grant the WTO dispute settlement body final authority over environmental policy. The author contends that the POPs negotiations are the correct forum for balancing trade and environmental measures and that existing international treaty interpretation laws make a supremacy clause unnecessary.

The survey found that while most non-US export credit agencies claim to consider environmental issues, none had detailed written environmental policies as of September 1998. Australia's EFIC was identified as having the most comprehensive standards due to legal mandates, while Israel's IFTRIC explicitly stated it does not consider environmental issues. Several agencies, including those in France and Germany, began adopting questionnaires in response to a 1998 OECD Resolution.

The World Bank Inspection Panel was established in 1993 to provide a mechanism for citizens adversely affected by Bank projects to seek independent analysis of policy compliance. While the Panel has the potential to shift the Bank from a "culture of approval" to a "culture of results" by amplifying local voices, the document argues that its impact is limited by Bank Management's adversarial responses, the Board of Directors' reluctance to authorize full investigations, and a divide between donor and borrowing countries. The authors highlight systemic violations of policies regarding project supervision and involuntary resettlement, noting that claimants often face significant risks, including violence, when seeking accountability. The paper recommends empowering the Panel to set its own terms of reference, involving claimants more deeply in the process, and utilizing independent legal counsel to avoid conflicts of interest.

The CoP-II meeting focused on establishing the institutional infrastructure of the IAI, including the election of its first Director, Dr. Armando Rabuffetti, and the approval of a basic budget of US$570,000. Key outcomes included the adoption of the Host Country Agreement with Brazil, the approval of the Initial Scientific Program (ISP), and the establishment of a policy for the open exchange of scientific information. Member nations provided updates on national climate initiatives, and the meeting concluded with the election of three additional members to the Scientific Advisory Committee (SAC).

The document argues that while the Baltic Sea Region has a strong tradition of environmental co-operation, it is not yet on a path toward sustainable development. It proposes 'Baltic 21', a regional action programme designed to bridge economic disparities between the West Baltic Region (WBR) and East Baltic Region (EBR) while addressing critical environmental threats. The report identifies key risks including eutrophication of the Baltic Sea, acid rain, and the environmental legacy of Soviet-era industry in Russia and Poland. It emphasizes the need for a holistic approach that integrates sustainability into key sectors—energy, agriculture, forestry, transport, and industry—and leverages the influence of the European Union's pre-accession strategies to harmonize environmental standards across the region.

The document is a directory of delegations, observers, and secretariat staff attending the First Meeting of the Conference of the Parties in September 1994. It lists representatives from various national governments, scientific institutions, and international organizations, including the National Science Foundation and the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research.

The Act of Montevideo establishes the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI) as a regional network of research units. The IAI is designed to coordinate scientific and economic research on the extent, causes, and consequences of global change in the Americas, serving as an interface between science and policy. The agreement emphasizes that scientific interest should drive the implementation of research programs and the development of specialized facilities. To facilitate the transition to operational status, a Implementation Committee composed of representatives from signatory states was created to prepare basic materials until the first meeting of the Conference of the Parties. Signatory nations include Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, the United States, Mexico, Panama, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela.

The Minutes of Montevideo document the May 1992 agreement by several American states to create the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI). The IAI is designed as a regional network of research entities to investigate the extent, causes, and consequences of global changes in the Americas and to bridge the gap between science and policy. The agreement establishes an Implementation Committee to prepare the Institute for operation and notes the intention to inform the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) of the Institute's creation.

The document argues that conflicts between free trade policies, which seek efficient resource allocation, and environmental policies, which seek resource maintenance, must be reconciled. It highlights concerns that current economic development is unsustainable and may lead to 'uneconomic growth' where costs exceed benefits. The text specifically examines the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and other trade provisions against international environmental agreements and domestic laws to find ways to reduce legal frictions.