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The document analyzes how gender norms, poverty, and social structures exacerbate the vulnerabilities of women and girls to heat stress and limit their access to cooling services. It highlights specific risks in healthcare, domestic labor, and agriculture, while calling for sex-disaggregated data and gender-transformative policies to achieve universal sustainable cooling.

The document examines how the COVID-19 pandemic has affected energy demand, security, and utility finances in emerging economies, arguing that the recovery phase presents an opportunity for a 'green recovery'. Using case studies from Indonesia, Kenya, Thailand, Mexico, and South Africa, it identifies common challenges such as household energy insecurity and financial stress for state-owned utilities. The authors urge governments to integrate green recovery into their NDC planning, commit to accelerated decarbonisation, and address systemic vulnerabilities to prevent social injustices during the energy transition.

The study examines energy poverty in Malawi, finding that unconditional social cash transfers significantly increase the likelihood of ultra-poor households owning improved cookstoves and having a source of lighting.

The document explores how the climate crisis and energy transition are reshaping global power dynamics, particularly for the European Union. It argues that traditional geopolitics—focused on state rivalry and resource control—must be replaced by a model of 'ecological security' and 'steward statehood' rooted in human rights and social justice. Key analyses include the EU's 'open strategic autonomy,' the risks of corporate-led hydrogen projects, China's Belt and Road Initiative's energy dimensions, and the necessity of a global fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty. It emphasizes that the green transition must be a 'just transition' to avoid social backlash and that Europe should lead by example in decarbonization and multilateral cooperation.

The briefing examines the gap between South Africa's policy goals for affordable energy and the reality for low-income households. It identifies two primary failures: the lack of a clear definition for "affordable energy" and the systemic failure of the Free Basic Electricity (FBE) program. The document reveals that in 2019, while national grants covered 9.8 million households for basic services, only 2 million actually received free electricity, leaving approximately 5.4 million eligible poor households without the benefit and resulting in a loss of R6 billion in 2019 alone.

The document argues that the South African government has failed to fulfill its 1998 commitment to provide affordable electricity to poor households, small businesses, and farmers. It identifies two primary causes: a lack of a clear definition for "affordable electricity" and the systemic failure of the Free Basic Electricity (FBE) policy. While the national budget allocated funds for 9.8 million households to receive 50kWh of free electricity in 2019, only 2 million households actually received it. The briefing highlights that municipalities are responsible for registering low-income households and distributing these funds, but a lack of oversight has led to an estimated R6 billion in missing funds and millions of eligible households paying for electricity out of pocket.

The document identifies a critical gap in South Africa's 'just transition' framework, which the author describes as 'reactive' because it primarily addresses future losses in the coal sector. The paper proposes a 'proactive' approach termed 'just distribution,' focusing on the electricity distribution landscape. It argues that the current system—characterized by complex governance shared between Eskom and local municipalities—undermines poverty reduction goals. The author introduces a preliminary 'energy-society model' to map how drivers like local government fiscal models and governance gaps lead to adverse socioeconomic outcomes, such as energy poverty and the forced use of polluting substitutes, which are often more significant than the expected impacts of the low-carbon transition itself.

Colombia faces challenges from rapid urbanisation and hydroelectric uncertainty while attempting to decarbonise its building sector. Current policies, including building codes and energy efficiency measures, are insufficient to achieve this goal. The document proposes using Article 6 of the Paris Agreement to launch a Net Zero Energy Buildings pilot in social housing, which could reduce emissions, energy poverty, and subsidy payments. While the building sector is not a major emitter, the author suggests that international cooperation and climate finance are necessary to mobilise private capital and align the sector with the Paris Agreement's temperature goals.

The document describes the global governance of sustainable energy as a "regime complex" characterized by overlapping mandates and a lack of a single central authority. It highlights the importance of SDG 7 in merging the goals of energy access and sustainable transitions, while detailing the contributions of the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) and the Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL) initiative. The text notes a significant financing gap, stating that achieving SDG 7 by 2030 requires additional annual investments of USD 1.36 trillion, whereas international finance for clean energy in developing countries was only USD 21 billion in 2017. It concludes that while the current multi-stakeholder, non-hierarchical model allows for specialized and flexible action, the absence of a binding international treaty or single organization limits the ability to drive top-down ambition and common norms.

The document analyzes the fragmented, polycentric nature of global sustainable energy governance. It highlights the central role of SDG 7 in integrating energy access, renewable energy, and energy efficiency, while detailing the contributions of the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA) and the Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL) initiative. Despite progress in multi-stakeholder cooperation, the text notes a significant funding gap and the lack of a single, legally binding international treaty to coordinate the energy transition holistically.

The document analyses the scope and direction of energy transition policies in 34 African countries, evaluating them against dimensions of energy justice. It finds a general shift toward market-oriented regimes using auction instruments and feed-in tariffs, but warns that an overemphasis on bankability can sideline development goals. The brief identifies several 'good practice' countries and recommends that AU-EU cooperation integrate energy justice criteria, support regional partners, and facilitate policy learning from African successes.

Nova Scotia has achieved significant reductions in greenhouse gas emissions between 2005 and 2018 while maintaining economic growth, driven by fuel switching in electricity, energy efficiency, and a growing clean tech sector. However, the province faces structural unemployment in rural and Indigenous communities, high energy costs for households, and difficulties in decarbonizing the transportation sector to meet its target of net-zero emissions by 2050.

The Canadian Climate Institute presents a framework of 11 indicators divided into goals (low-carbon growth, economic resilience), catalysts (technology development, adoption, trade, and infrastructure), and fundamentals (low-carbon jobs, affordable energy, inclusive resilience, clean air, and flourishing ecosystems). The report finds that while Canada has decoupled GDP from emissions nationally, progress is uneven across provinces. It highlights significant data gaps, particularly regarding climate costs, social vulnerability, and ecosystem health, and recommends cross-governmental collaboration and improved data correlation to support a just transition.

The Canadian Climate Institute identifies 11 indicators to track clean growth, categorized into goals (low-carbon growth and economic resilience), catalysts (technology development, adoption, trade, and infrastructure), and foundations (jobs, affordable energy, inclusive resilience, clean air, and ecosystems). The analysis reveals that while Canada has decoupled GDP from GHGs, progress is uneven across provinces, and significant data gaps hinder comprehensive policy tracking.

The document argues that individual African countries often lack the resources to transition to green energy, but regional integration via the AfCFTA can create a larger market to attract investment and skilled labor. It highlights the role of regional power pools and suggests that a strategic shift in EU development assistance toward regional rather than bilateral support, combined with knowledge and technology sharing, could further fast-track the transition.

The document analyzes energy transition policies in 34 African countries, categorizing them as direct, integrative, or enabling. It identifies a trend toward market-oriented regimes using auction instruments and de-risking tools, while highlighting that only a few countries—including South Africa, Rwanda, Kenya, Mauritius, Ethiopia, and Egypt—effectively integrate energy justice (distributive, recognitional, and procedural) into their frameworks. The authors warn against over-reliance on market forces and recommend that AU-EU cooperation prioritize energy justice criteria, capacity building, and regional partnerships to ensure a just transition.

The document highlights that older adults are disproportionately affected by extreme heat due to physiological vulnerabilities and social isolation. It argues that while air conditioning is critical, it can be inaccessible due to poverty or power failures, and its use contributes to further warming. The report emphasizes that social connection is a primary defense against heat deaths and details successful community interventions in cities like Philadelphia and Phoenix, while warning that the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbates risks by increasing isolation.

The report finds that low-carbon energy transitions do not automatically improve social equity and can replicate existing structural inequalities if power asymmetries are not addressed. While some technologies like household solar provide benefits, others—particularly large-scale hydropower and biofuel plantations—often lead to land loss, displacement, and precarious employment. The authors argue that institutional frameworks and participatory processes, rather than the technology itself, determine whether a transition is just.

The report finds that kerosene subsidies in Nigeria were largely ineffective, as most low-income households paid significantly above the official price and women faced long queues and safety risks from adulterated fuel. The 2016 removal of these subsidies further strained women's budgets, pushing many in rural areas back toward biomass for cooking, which increases exposure to indoor air pollution and time spent collecting wood. While women often control daily energy choices, men typically own the electronic appliances. The report recommends against returning to kerosene or LPG subsidies, suggesting instead a shift toward technology-neutral clean cooking support and social protection programs targeted at female heads of households.

The document assesses the progress of transposing the RED II and Electricity Directives in Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Spain as of September 2020. It finds that while most countries have focused on legal definitions, they have largely neglected the 'enabling framework' and the mandatory assessment of barriers and potentials required by EU law. The brief argues that simple 'copy-paste' transposition of EU definitions is insufficient and recommends a holistic approach that includes public consultation, political engagement, and specific support for vulnerable households and local authorities to ensure the success of energy communities.