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The report argues that RGGI's design, which caps emissions only for power plants within participating states, creates a price advantage for imported electricity from coal-heavy states like West Virginia and Pennsylvania. This 'leakage' is exacerbated by excess capacity in existing coal plants and planned transmission upgrades that facilitate power flow from west to east. The authors suggest that RGGI states should implement retail-level carbon caps, prohibit contracts with high-emission plants, and prioritize transmission projects aligned with climate goals to prevent the expansion of coal-based power.

The paper examines various target-setting regimes, including the UN Millennium Development Goals and the US Government Performance Results Act, to identify critical success factors for policy implementation. It argues that successful target regimes require a combination of outcome-based indicators, strong local ownership, and integration with budgeting processes. The authors suggest that these insights can help climate policy by translating long-term emissions goals into achievable intermediate outcomes and robust governance frameworks.

The document examines the 'twinning' mechanism used by the European Commission to assist candidate countries, specifically Hungary, in adopting the acquis communautaire. It identifies key success factors, such as political leadership and specific technical goals, and highlights barriers like institutional inertia and the limited capacity of beneficiary institutions to absorb support. The author concludes by questioning the applicability of twinning to South-North climate policy cooperation, noting significant differences in priority levels, policy scope, and administrative stability compared to the EU enlargement context.

Friends of the Earth-U.S. condemns President George W. Bush's 'major emitters' summit as a 'go-it-alone strategy' that prioritizes voluntary measures over the United Nations framework, claiming this approach isolates the U.S. and risks a 'global warming catastrophe'.

The document outlines a comprehensive approach to legislative visits, divided into preparation, conduct during the meeting, and follow-up actions. It emphasizes the importance of clear messaging, local connections, and maintaining credibility through honesty and professional attire. The guide also provides tips for researching legislators' backgrounds and managing potential pitfalls, such as meeting with staff instead of the elected official or dealing with agenda diversions.

The document advises scientists to leverage their professional expertise during public meetings to hold policymakers accountable and demonstrate the urgency of specific issues. It recommends preparing concise questions, making specific requests for on-the-record positions, and following up with legislators' staff to establish personal connections.

The Union of Concerned Scientists identifies several organizations that promote climate skepticism and disinformation, arguing they are part of a "disinformation playbook" funded by the fossil fuel industry to delay climate action. The report details the activities of groups such as the American Enterprise Institute, Heartland Institute, and the Heritage Foundation, documenting millions of dollars in contributions from ExxonMobil and Koch-funded foundations. These organizations are accused of undermining scientific consensus, attacking climate scientists, and pushing model legislation to obstruct emissions reductions.

The document aggregates data from multiple polling organizations (including CNN, Gallup, and the Harris Poll) regarding public attitudes toward global warming. Key trends include a majority of U.S. adults viewing global warming as a proven fact caused by human activity, support for cap-and-trade systems and renewable energy mandates, and a growing belief that the U.S. should lead in reducing greenhouse gas emissions regardless of other nations' actions. Regional data highlights specific concerns in Florida regarding sea-level rise and in California regarding state-level emissions laws.

The IAI is requesting a core budget of US$1,163,462 for FY 2008/2009, a 14.6% increase over the previous year, primarily driven by the devaluation of the US dollar against the Brazilian real and increased operational costs. The budget supports the management of the CRN II and SGP-HD programs, capacity building through training institutes, and strategic planning to strengthen links between science and policy. Key initiatives include a project on the hydroclimate of the La Plata Basin and a MacArthur Foundation-funded study on Andean biodiversity. Funding is sourced from member country contributions, with the United States providing the largest share.

The document is a summary of the May 21, 2008, Manager's substitute amendment to S.2191, the Lieberman-Warner Climate Security Act of 2008. It notes that the substitute is a "substantially revised version of S.2191" and organizes the bill's contents into categories including cap and trade design, market oversight, cost containment, allowance distribution, international engagement, state and regional programs, and complementary policies.

The 'Integrating Climate and Development' project, running from March 2008 to December 2009, aims to fill the gap in concrete analysis regarding the integration of climate policies into development plans. Focusing on Thailand as part of a global initiative, the project employs national expert teams and multi-stakeholder steering committees to identify climate strategies consistent with sustainable development. The final output consists of national and regional synthesis studies detailing strategic options for the involved countries and regions.

The document outlines three legislative efforts in the US: the Green Jobs Act of 2007 and the Green Jobs Energy Amendment, both of which seek to create energy efficiency and renewable energy worker training programs via the Department of Labor and Department of Energy, and the NEW ERA Act of 2007, which proposes competitive grants for technicians in bioenergy and agriculture-based renewable energy.

Jonathan Lash, representing the US Climate Action Partnership (US CAP), advocates for a federal cap-and-trade program and a long-term emissions roadmap to transition the United States to a low-carbon economy. He emphasizes that clear federal rules are necessary to avoid a regulatory patchwork of state laws and to provide the market certainty required for large-scale private investment in clean energy technologies.

This research paper synthesizes data from hundreds of polling questions across more than 70 surveys to identify long-term trends in public opinion on global warming. The review focuses on six dimensions: public awareness, understanding of causes and policy, perceptions of scientific certainty and expert agreement, concern over impacts, support for policy action relative to economic costs, and support for the Kyoto climate treaty.

The document outlines a framework for constituents to conduct productive meetings with legislators, emphasizing preparation, clear messaging, and the importance of local connections. It advises on everything from dress codes in Washington, D.C. to the utility of meeting with legislative aides when members are unavailable.

The document examines Russia's progress in meeting Kyoto Protocol compliance requirements and the delays in establishing a domestic Joint Implementation (JI) approval system. It highlights a general lack of political priority for climate change within Russia, where the regime is often viewed as a tool for wealth redistribution. While institutional compliance is nearing completion, inter-ministerial conflict and uncertainties over property rights hinder the launch of JI projects. The paper also notes that domestic debate on post-2012 climate positions has not yet begun, despite Russia's role as the world's third-largest emitter.

The World Resources Institute (WRI), an environmental think tank, reported total revenue of $25,345,212 and total expenses of $21,237,532 for the 2005 tax year. The organization operates seven primary programs focusing on climate change, urban mobility, ecosystem protection, and environmental governance. Its largest program expenditure was for the People and Ecosystems Program ($4,443,154), followed by the Institutions and Governance Program ($3,450,686). WRI maintains a staff of over 130 experts and partners with nearly 400 organizations globally.

The report documents widespread political interference in U.S. federal climate science, characterized by the manipulation of scientific findings, restrictive media policies, and declining funding. Through surveys and interviews, the Union of Concerned Scientists and the Government Accountability Project found that scientists frequently faced pressure to alter their results or eliminate terms like 'global warming' to align with political goals, leading to poor morale and diminished scientific integrity.

The Union of Concerned Scientists reports that ExxonMobil funded a network of ideological organizations to deceive the public about global warming. By spending approximately $16 million between 1998 and 2005, the company promoted a small group of contrarian scientists and used 'information laundering' through front groups to create a false impression of scientific debate. The report details how these tactics mirror the tobacco industry's historical efforts to hide the links between smoking and disease. Furthermore, the document outlines ExxonMobil's influence on the George W. Bush administration, including the appointment of climate negotiators and the censorship of government scientific reports.

The document establishes that limiting global warming to 2°C requires stabilizing atmospheric heat-trapping gases at or below 450 ppm CO2eq, which necessitates a global cumulative emissions budget of 1,700 GtCO2eq for 2000–2050. For the United States, this translates to a cumulative budget of 160 to 265 GtCO2eq, requiring emissions to be reduced by at least 80 percent below 2000 levels by 2050. The analysis finds that most federal legislative proposals fail to meet these targets, with only the Global Warming Pollution Reduction Act (S. 309) and the Safe Climate Act (H.R. 1590) remaining within the upper budget limit.