Search Climate Insights Directory

The report finds that while 53% of Americans support climate activists, only 33% believe citizen advocacy actually influences elected officials' policy decisions. There is a significant gap between willingness and action: 51% would vote for a candidate based on their global warming position if asked by a respected peer, but only 11% actually contacted an official in the past year. Trust in public figures varies, with Bill Nye and Greta Thunberg being among the most trusted sources of information. Political affiliation strongly correlates with support and participation, with Democrats showing the highest levels of activism and efficacy.

The report finds that while a majority of registered U.S. voters believe global warming is happening and human-caused, significant partisan divides persist. There is broad support for clean energy research and carbon pricing, but voters are split on fossil fuel expansion. Global warming has increased in importance as a voting issue for the 2020 presidential election.

The report argues that the fossil fuel industry, specifically citing Exxon, knew about the warming effects of CO2 as early as the 1950s but spent millions on disinformation to obscure this reality. It asserts that the industry adopted the 'tobacco industry’s playbook' to attack scientific consensus, use fake experts, and promote logical fallacies to confuse the public. The document outlines the 'FLICC' framework (Fake experts, Logical fallacies, Impossible expectations, Cherry picking, and Conspiracy theories) to explain the techniques used in climate denial and proposes 'inoculation' as a method to neutralize these tactics by communicating facts, revealing sources, and explaining denialist techniques.

The document highlights the disconnect between mass public demand for urgent climate action, evidenced by the September 20, 2019 strikes, and the lack of citizen engagement in the drafting of EU national energy and climate plans (NECPs). It asserts that current NECPs are insufficient to meet Paris Agreement goals and calls for the establishment of permanent, multi-level public consultation platforms to ensure a rapid and just transition to zero-carbon societies.

The document argues that while NDCs (short-to-medium term commitments) and LTSs (mid-century visions) serve different legal and functional roles, they should be developed synergistically. Aligning them prevents the 'lock-in' of carbon-intensive infrastructure and reduces administrative costs by sharing data, modeling, and stakeholder consultations. The authors suggest that ideally, an LTS should inform the NDC, though they provide options for countries developing both in parallel or those updating NDCs without a formal LTS.

The research identifies 66 carbon pricing policies globally, categorising adopting polities into five clusters: early adopters, North-American states and provinces, Chinese pilot provinces, second-wave developed polities, and second-wave developing polities. The authors conclude that there is no 'one-size-fits-all' approach to promoting carbon pricing, as different economic, political, and policy variables drive adoption across different clusters. However, they identify general facilitators, including economic crises, UNFCCC commitments, regional learning, and a preference for emissions trading in carbon-intensive economies.

Friends of the Earth International asserts that the 2019 Amazon wildfires, particularly in Brazil, are the result of agribusiness, mining, and timber expansion facilitated by President Jair Bolsonaro's government. The organization highlights a significant increase in fires and deforestation, the dismantling of climate laws, and the persecution of Indigenous Peoples and environmental defenders. It calls for international condemnation of these policies and criticizes the European Union's pursuit of a trade agreement with MERCOSUR amidst this environmental devastation.

The authors analyze border carbon adjustments (BCAs) as a tool to prevent carbon leakage—the shift of emissions to regions with weaker climate policies—amidst a fragmented international climate architecture. While noting that improved emissions data and shifting trade dynamics create an opportunity for BCAs, the authors highlight ongoing risks regarding WTO compatibility and trade retaliation. The paper provides guidelines for BCA implementation to maximize climate benefits and minimize legal risks, though it concludes that BCAs are not a stable long-term solution for global climate action.

Based on an April 2019 national survey, the document finds that Americans generally underestimate the proportion of their fellow citizens who believe global warming is happening, with an average estimate of 54% compared to an actual figure of 69%. This 'pluralistic ignorance' is more pronounced among conservative Republicans and rural residents, while liberal Democrats and more educated individuals are more accurate. The report argues that perceiving a greater social consensus correlates with more pro-climate views and a higher frequency of discussing the topic with friends and family, suggesting that correcting these misperceptions can increase support for climate policies.

The report finds that Americans significantly underestimate the percentage of their fellow citizens who believe global warming is occurring, with an average estimate of 54% compared to an actual figure of 69%. This gap, termed pluralistic ignorance, is most pronounced among conservative Republicans and rural residents, while liberal Democrats and highly educated individuals are more accurate. The findings suggest that correcting these misperceptions can increase willingness to discuss climate change and increase support for climate policies.

Following the May 26 2019 elections, Belgium's Green parties saw divergent results: Ecolo grew in Wallonia and Brussels, while Groen's performance in Flanders was viewed as disappointing. The author attributes some of this to 'climate reassurers'—right-wing parties like NVA and Vlaams Belang that downplay the urgency of climate action to maintain neoliberal economic models. The document explores two future strategies for the Greens: focusing on local governance in cities to demonstrate success or joining federal and regional governments despite the risk of compromising their radical climate agenda.

The paper reviews 154 publications covering 181 country case studies to understand the consequences of mining decline. It finds that economic impacts, such as job loss and regional decline, are the most documented, while social and political effects are understudied. The authors argue that successful transitions require long-term planning, strong local leadership, and coordinated financial mechanisms, noting that recovery often takes a decade or more.

The document criticizes the veto by Poland, the Czech Republic, Estonia, and Hungary against the EU's long-term climate strategy, arguing that such political obstruction harms businesses by removing investment certainty. It highlights that energy-intensive industries—specifically steel, cement, and chemicals—account for approximately 40% of greenhouse gas emissions under the EU emissions trading system and have seen no decrease in pollution since 2012. The author asserts that a formal commitment to net-zero emissions by 2050 is essential to signal a clear decarbonisation path, enable the development of financial frameworks, and inform the EU 2030 industrial strategy.

The article analyzes the impact of political corporatism on climate policy ambition by comparing Sweden and Finland. It identifies that while inclusiveness and consensualism promote ambitious policies, strong tripartite organizations that exclude NGOs can hinder them.

The We Mean Business Coalition urges companies and policymakers to transition to zero-carbon economies, highlighting the economic opportunities of a low-carbon shift and the necessity of science-based targets. It calls for businesses to commit to net-zero emissions by 2050, join initiatives like RE100, EV100, and EP100, and advocate for ambitious government policies to create 'ambition loops' for climate action.

Between December 2018 and April 2019, public awareness of the Green New Deal in the U.S. increased significantly, but support became sharply polarized along party lines. While Democratic support remained high, Republican support dropped dramatically, particularly among those with high awareness of the proposal and those who frequently consume Fox News.

The report finds that while 70% of registered U.S. voters believe global warming is happening, there is a significant partisan divide in beliefs about its causes and the urgency of action. Despite this, there is broad cross-party support for renewable energy investment, pollution regulation, and carbon taxes. The Green New Deal is supported by a majority (69%) of voters, though opinions on its economic impact and funding are split. Global warming is a high priority for Democrats but ranks low for Republicans as a 2020 voting issue.

The document identifies a strategic dilemma for Sweden: relying on biofuels to meet near-term 2030 goals may hinder the transition to electrification, which is viewed as the more cost-effective long-term strategy for 2045. While biofuels currently provide about 20% of truck energy and are expected to remain the primary mid-term solution, stakeholders anticipate a shift toward battery electric, hydrogen fuel cell, and electric road system technologies starting in the 2030s.

The document argues that existing human rights obligations under legally binding treaties must inform climate action to protect those most affected and ensure non-discrimination and public participation. It highlights the role of UN human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs) in elaborating these obligations and reviews their 2018 guidance on emissions reduction, adaptation, procedural rights, and international cooperation, including specific contributions from CEDAW, CESCR, and the CRC.

The document evaluates the EU's proposed Multilateral Investment Court (MIC) as a replacement for ad hoc investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms. ClientEarth argues that the MIC provides only cosmetic procedural improvements and fails to address systemic imbalances, such as the lack of investor obligations and the marginalization of domestic courts. The briefing provides six key recommendations for reform, including the requirement to exhaust local remedies, the inclusion of 'clean hands' and 'supremacy' clauses to protect public interest legislation, and the limitation of compensation to proven economic damages. Alternatively, the document suggests that states should withdraw consent from ISDS and terminate international investment agreements (IIAs) in favor of domestic judiciaries, political risk insurance, and state-to-state dispute settlement.