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The Center for Climate Integrity asserts that a leaked video of senior Exxon lobbyist Keith McCoy proves ExxonMobil systematically lies about climate science, its products' role in the climate crisis, and its commitment to climate solutions to protect its profits.

The document outlines Saint Lucia's comprehensive climate policy environment, highlighting the role of the Department of Sustainable Development and the National Climate Change Committee in coordinating national efforts. It details the implementation of the National Adaptation Plan (2018-2028), the development of Sectoral Adaptation Strategies and Action Plans (SASAPs), and the submission of an Updated Nationally Determined Contribution in January 2021. The paper also examines the integration of gender considerations, the challenges of climate finance, and the emerging focus on loss and damage policy.

The Clean Air Task Force supports the SCALE Act, a bill introduced in the US House of Representatives to accelerate the deployment of CO2 transportation and storage infrastructure. The Act focuses on four areas: supporting carbon utilization technologies, providing low-interest loans and grants for transport infrastructure via the CIFIA program, expanding cost-sharing for commercial-scale saline geologic storage through the CarbonSAFE program, and increasing EPA funding for Class VI storage well permitting.

The Life After Coal campaign (LAC) has formally objected to Eskom's attempts to secure exemptions from the Minimum Emission Standards (MES), asserting that such exemptions are prohibited under section 59 of the Air Quality Act (AQA). The LAC argues that Eskom, as South Africa's largest air polluter, cannot be legally exempt from national emission standards, and that granting such exemptions would undermine the rule of law, harm public health, and set a dangerous precedent for future climate change legislation.

The Climate Change Response (Zero Carbon) Amendment Act 2019 establishes a framework for Aotearoa (New Zealand) to reach net zero greenhouse gas emissions (excluding biogenic methane) by 2050. The law introduces five-year emissions budgets, an independent Climate Change Commission to provide expert advice and monitoring, and a requirement for the government to produce public action plans and national climate risk assessments every six years. Notably, the Act differentiates between long-lived and short-lived pollutants by setting a separate target for biogenic methane: a 10% reduction from 2017 levels by 2030 and a 24% to 47% reduction by 2050. The legislation also mandates the inclusion of Māori and iwi through consultations, the integration of traditional knowledge, and the recognition of the Treaty of Waitangi in climate planning.

The document analyzes Manitoba's 2018 climate accountability legislation, highlighting its use of a 'carbon savings account' with five-year cumulative emission reduction targets and an independent expert advisory council. While praising the framework's governance and the advantage of cumulative budgets over annual targets, the study notes that the absence of long-term targets and a multi-budget strategy reduces predictability and accountability for investors and policymakers.

The document analyzes the 2019 amendments to British Columbia's Climate Change Accountability Act, detailing its framework for emissions targets, reporting requirements, and the establishment of the Climate Solutions Council. It highlights the integration of climate risk management and clean growth but identifies critical gaps in independent oversight and the lack of a formal mechanism to review long-term emissions targets.

The document examines the 2019 Climate Change Response (Zero Carbon) Amendment Act of Aotearoa New Zealand, highlighting its accountability framework, the role of the Climate Change Commission, and its specific approach to biogenic methane and Indigenous engagement.

The document analyzes the 2019 amendments to British Columbia's Climate Change Accountability Act, which established a broader climate accountability framework. Key features include the requirement for intermediate and sector-specific emission targets, the creation of an independent advisory committee (the Climate Solutions Council), and enhanced reporting obligations for the provincial government and public bodies. While the author notes that regular reporting improves transparency, the study identifies several gaps: a lack of independent oversight to monitor government progress, the absence of formal requirements to actually reduce climate risks, and no codified mechanism for reviewing long-term emission targets, such as the 2050 goal.

The briefing urges the Puerto Rican government to move from planning to action following the passage of Act 17, which sets a 100 percent renewable energy goal. It highlights the urgent need for new capacity in solar and battery storage to mitigate reliability risks caused by earthquake damage to the Costa Sur Power Plant and the legacy of Hurricane Maria. The author advocates for the expedited procurement of solar projects, the use of virtual power plant solutions to integrate existing distributed batteries, and the development of energy efficiency programs to reduce demand and lower costs for ratepayers.

The Life After Coal Campaign, represented by the Centre for Environmental Rights, calls for the urgent promulgation of a robust Climate Change Act and the abandonment of new fossil fuel projects in South Africa. The document highlights the lack of transparency regarding greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions data from the Department of Environment, Forestry and Fisheries (DEFF) and argues that non-compliant coal-fired power stations must be decommissioned as part of a just transition. It further asserts that South Africa's current commitments under the Paris Agreement are inadequate and must be revised to align with the 1.5 degree Celsius limit to avoid severe regional climate impacts.

The World Resources Institute supports the introduction of the SWAP Act and the Raise Wages, Cut Carbon Act, both of which propose an increasing price on carbon and the use of revenue to reduce payroll taxes and fund clean energy R&D.

The report examines the systemic injustices of the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) regime, using ten case studies to demonstrate how corporations use international arbitration to bypass domestic courts and challenge public interest laws. It highlights the 'regulatory chill' effect, where the threat of multi-billion dollar lawsuits deters governments from implementing climate, health, and environmental protections. The document specifically criticises the European Union's proposed reforms, arguing that the Investment Court System (ICS) and the Multilateral Investment Court maintain the same substantive investor privileges that allow corporations to claim compensation for lost future profits and ignore human rights obligations.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment argues that Canada's history of missing greenhouse gas reduction targets necessitates a legislated accountability framework. While acknowledging the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change (PCF) as a first step, the authors contend that a proposed $20 million 'Institute' for expert advice is insufficient because it lacks legal permanence and a mandate for government response. They propose five specific requirements: enshrining accountability in law, creating a public expert committee, implementing 5-year carbon budgets, focusing the committee's mandate on assessing government progress, and requiring the government to formally respond to committee reports. The document cites the United Kingdom's 2008 Climate Change Act as a successful model of such transparency and accountability.

The Centre for Environmental Rights, representing the Life After Coal/Impilo Ngaphandle Kwamalahle Campaign, is urging the South African government to prioritise the promulgation of the Climate Change Bill, 2018. The authors argue that delaying climate legislation is unacceptable given South Africa's extreme vulnerability to climate change and the urgent need for 'rapid and far-reaching' transitions to limit global warming to 1.5°C. They assert that the state has a Constitutional obligation to protect the environment and prevent pollution, citing the Dutch Urgenda case as a legal precedent for the state's duty to pursue ambitious greenhouse gas emission reduction plans.

The analysis finds that while national climate legislation and strategies grew rapidly before 2009 and now cover 69% of global GHG emissions, their growth has recently stagnated. In contrast, economy-wide GHG targets increased significantly leading up to the 2015 Paris Agreement, covering 93% of global emissions by 2017. Renewable energy targets also showed steady growth, increasing from 45% of global GHG emissions coverage in 2007 to 79% in 2017, with notable increases in developing countries.

The report details a consultation process led by the Cameroon Climate Change Working Group under the African Climate Legislation Initiative to identify priority areas for climate legislation. Participants identified land use and farming as the most critical sectors for regulatory intervention and highlighted corruption and limited public participation as primary barriers to successful law implementation. As a result, the Legal Response Initiative provided a legal opinion on improving the delivery of rainfall forecasts to farmers, suggesting revisions to Decree No. 2005/118 regarding the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development.

The author contends that shorter UNFCCC commitment periods (five years) are superior to longer ones (ten years) because they prevent the 'locking in' of under-ambitious emissions targets. While the EU has advocated for a ten-year period to provide investment security and align with its 2030 Energy Package, the author argues this package lacks sufficient ambition and could freeze global climate aspirations. The text also notes that the US supports shorter periods due to domestic political volatility and the likelihood that a long-term legally binding agreement would be rejected by the US Congress.

The document posits a correlation between domestic climate laws and international ambition, suggesting that national legislation provides the confidence and evidence needed for negotiators to defend ambitious global commitments. It identifies several factors influencing a country's negotiation position, including economic competitiveness, national interest, and leadership goals, while noting that the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) serves as the primary system for these negotiations.

A survey of United Nations member states between 2007 and 2012 reveals a significant increase in national climate mitigation efforts, with 67% of global greenhouse gas emissions covered by national legislation or strategy by 2012, up from 45% in 2007. The growth was most prominent in non-Annex I countries, specifically in Asia and Latin America, while OECD countries remained relatively stagnant. The data indicates a general preference for non-binding climate strategies over binding legislation, with China noted as a significant exception to this trend.