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South Africa faces a conflict between its development goals—focused on poverty alleviation and economic growth—and its climate targets, as 90% of its electricity is generated from coal. While the country has proposed ambitious emission cuts of 25% by 2020 and 42% by 2025, it continues to expand coal capacity through projects like the Medupi and Kusile plants to address electricity supply constraints. The document argues that development and climate mitigation can converge through an innovative economic agenda that exploits green market opportunities to create a new labour-absorbing industry.

The document defines environmental justice as the right to healthy living environments and a fair share of nature's benefits. It argues that the poorest populations are disproportionately affected by environmental damage and climate change, while the wealthiest are most responsible. Friends of the Earth advocates for 'climate justice,' where rich countries lead in carbon cuts and fund adaptation for poorer nations. The text highlights specific case studies of its work, including fighting oil pollution in Nigeria, uranium mining in Australia, and urban planning issues in the UK.

The document asserts that tree plantations are uniform agricultural systems that cause biodiversity loss, community displacement, and hydrological alteration. It criticizes the use of these plantations as carbon sinks under the Kyoto Protocol, arguing that such schemes provide a 'fictional solution' to climate change while benefiting transnational corporations. The paper further denounces international organizations like the FAO for legitimizing plantations by classifying them as forests.

The World Bank is criticized as a major climate polluter that uses its role in climate finance to maintain developed country control over developing nations. Despite its rhetoric, the Bank continues to fund carbon-intensive projects, such as a $3.75 billion coal plant loan to South Africa, and promotes flawed carbon offsetting and forest conservation schemes. The report contrasts the World Bank's donor-controlled Climate Investment Funds (CIFs) with the more equitable, grant-based UNFCCC Adaptation Fund, calling for a transition to a Global Climate Fund accountable to the Conference of Parties.

The report argues that current greenhouse gas emission reduction targets are insufficient to prevent devastating climate impacts and self-amplifying warming. It asserts that to maintain a 75% chance of staying below 2°C, global emissions must decline rapidly after 2015 and reach essentially zero by midcentury, a goal it claims is technically feasible and economically affordable.

The IAI Strategic Plan (2010) establishes a framework for addressing global environmental change in the Americas through interdisciplinary research, regional networking, and science-policy dialogue. The plan emphasizes a shift toward 'needs-driven' science that integrates natural and social sciences to address vulnerability, adaptation, and mitigation. Key goals include enhancing capacity building for young scientists, promoting equitable access to research tools across the continent, and implementing adaptive management to respond to rapid environmental changes. The IAI aims to serve as an interface between the scientific community and decision-makers to support evidence-based policy and sustainable development, particularly for populations in developing countries most vulnerable to environmental risks.

The document argues that China's climate mitigation efforts are primarily a "positive side effect" of ambitious energy security policies designed to address peaking domestic oil and coal supplies. While China has set aggressive domestic targets for energy intensity and renewable energy expansion, its international diplomacy is characterized by a struggle to balance its reputation as a responsible global power with the need to maintain economic development latitude. The brief highlights a gap between China's international pledges under the Copenhagen Accord and its more ambitious domestic goals, noting that China views climate change as a geopolitical issue and coordinates with the BASIC group to protect the development opportunities of emerging economies.

The paper evaluates the feasibility of implementing a Personal Carbon Trading (PCT) scheme in Sweden, comparing it to existing UK-based models and current Swedish climate policies. It concludes that a standard PCT scheme would not be an efficient approach for reducing emissions in Sweden's housing and transport sectors due to high administrative costs and the effectiveness of existing policies. However, it suggests that PCT-like concepts could be explored to address emissions embedded in global supply chains.

The document argues that effective climate adaptation requires a comprehensive information system comprising basic climate data, economic cost-benefit analyses, adaptation best practices, and vulnerability assessments. It emphasizes that information must be user-centered and iterative, moving beyond simple scientific publication to a collaborative dialogue between providers and decision-makers. The author highlights significant gaps in observational data, particularly in the developing world, and the difficulty of scaling global climate models to local levels. To ensure equitable and effective use, the paper suggests the use of 'boundary organizations' like NGOs and local universities to translate complex data into locally relevant knowledge, while adhering to specific communication principles to overcome barriers like scientific jargon and uncertainty.

A global coalition of civil society organizations, including Friends of the Earth International, issued a statement on December 7, 2009, condemning the Danish government's conduct as President of the UNFCCC Conference of Parties. The groups argue that the Danish Prime Minister undermined democratic UN processes by convening exclusive groups of countries and drafting "Copenhagen Accords" before the meeting began, effectively excluding most nations and ignoring the demands of developing countries. The statement asserts that these actions shift the burden of climate change from developed to developing nations and threaten the potential for a fair and effective agreement in Copenhagen.

The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) and Friends of the Earth Europe argue that Europe can achieve a 40% reduction in emissions by 2020 and 90% by 2050 through radical energy system changes and lifestyle shifts. The study estimates the implementation cost at approximately 2% of Europe's discounted cumulative GDP between 2010 and 2020. To achieve climate justice, the report suggests Europe must also provide between €150 billion and €450 billion annually to developing countries by 2020. The proposed pathway excludes nuclear power, biofuels, and carbon capture and storage, focusing instead on wind energy, electrification, and energy efficiency.

The executive summary argues that REDD mechanisms are flawed because they focus on reducing emissions rather than stopping deforestation, potentially rewarding polluters and harming Indigenous Peoples. It warns that funding REDD through carbon offsetting undermines climate mitigation in industrialized nations and risks displacing forest-dependent communities. The author advocates for grant-based funding, the exclusion of plantations from forest definitions, and a rights-based approach to forest conservation.

The study demonstrates that the EU can achieve domestic emission cuts of 40% by 2020 and 90% by 2050 through radical energy efficiency, a shift to renewables, and the phase-out of fossil fuels and nuclear power. It argues that such a transition is technically possible and economically bearable, costing approximately 2% of the EU's cumulative discounted GDP between 2010 and 2020. To achieve climate justice, the report asserts the EU must also provide between €150 billion and €450 billion annually by 2020 to support mitigation in developing countries.

Friends of the Earth criticizes the Obama administration for stifling global cooperation by encouraging wealthy nations to adopt voluntary rather than mandatory emission commitments ahead of the Copenhagen climate negotiations.

The report argues that carbon trading is a fundamentally flawed mechanism that fails to drive real emissions reductions or technological innovation, instead creating risks of financial speculation and locking economies into high-carbon infrastructure. It specifically critiques the use of offsetting as an unjust 'escape hatch' that shifts responsibility from developed to developing nations. The authors advocate for a shift toward direct government interventions, including carbon taxation, strict regulation, and massive public investment in low-carbon infrastructure, while calling for developed countries to provide at least €200 billion per year in new and additional climate finance to the global South.

Dr. Hyde Merrill provides expert testimony challenging the technical necessity of the $1.8 billion PATH transmission project. He argues that PJM Interconnection's reliability claims are based on flawed planning, inaccurate extrapolations, and undocumented changes in assumptions. Specifically, he asserts that alleged voltage issues could be resolved with capacitors costing $40 million, and that thermal violations on lower-voltage lines could be fixed for approximately $66 million. He further claims that 500-kV thermal violations are speculative, based on unreliable extrapolation rather than contingency analysis, and ignore available generation and demand-side management resources. Merrill concludes that the project would increase reliance on remote coal-fired power and recommends a strategic shift toward local renewables and gas-fired plants.

Friends of the Earth criticizes the United States for obstructing international climate negotiations in Bangkok by suggesting that pollution reduction targets be made voluntary and the Kyoto Protocol be dismantled. The statement argues that wealthy countries, as the largest historical polluters, must lead emission reductions and support developing nations to prevent catastrophic climate destabilization.

The report contends that the Asian Development Bank (ADB) contributes to climate change and increases the vulnerability of communities in the Asia Pacific region. It highlights a contradiction between the ADB's stated climate goals and its continued funding of coal power plants and projects that cause deforestation. Through case studies in Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and Bangladesh, the document demonstrates how ADB-funded infrastructure and aquaculture projects have led to the destruction of mangroves and forests, increased flooding, and the displacement of local populations. The report concludes that the ADB lacks effective climate impact assessments and calls for the institution to recognize its 'climate debt' and stop supporting fossil fuel projects.

The document defines carbon pricing as a market-based strategy to internalize the costs of climate impacts, driving a shift toward a clean energy economy. It details two primary mechanisms: cap-and-trade, which limits total emissions through tradable allowances, and carbon taxes, which set a fixed fee per ton of carbon. The text emphasizes that while both can effectively reduce emissions, they require complementary policies and careful design to address equity concerns, such as the regressive impact on low-income households and the economic transition for fossil-fuel-dependent communities. It highlights existing examples like the EU-ETS and RGGI, and suggests that revenues from these programs can be used for rebates, clean energy investment, or deficit reduction.

The document outlines how scientists use climate models, atmospheric records, and carbon isotope signatures to prove that human-induced greenhouse gas emissions are the primary driver of global warming since the mid-20th century. It highlights the consensus among the scientific community and major bodies like the IPCC, while noting that attribution science can now link specific extreme weather events to climate change.