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The document argues that successful climate diplomacy for LDCs requires integrating climate change as a core national interest, mainstreaming it into development planning, and strategically engaging the media. It highlights the Gambia's appointment of its first special climate envoy in 2013 as a step toward building the capacity to influence international negotiations, such as those leading to the 2015 global climate agreement. The brief emphasizes that domestic political consensus and institutional reform are prerequisites for diplomats to effectively link national priorities with global climate regimes.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) outlines five 'do's and don'ts' for the Green Climate Fund (GCF) Board to ensure the fund effectively delivers resources for climate mitigation and adaptation. These recommendations cover investment criteria, financial risk management, accreditation of entities, results management, and the proposal approval process, emphasizing the need for a high risk appetite and a balance between top-down and bottom-up proposals to support international climate action ahead of COP 21.

The document posits a correlation between domestic climate laws and international ambition, suggesting that national legislation provides the confidence and evidence needed for negotiators to defend ambitious global commitments. It identifies several factors influencing a country's negotiation position, including economic competitiveness, national interest, and leadership goals, while noting that the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) serves as the primary system for these negotiations.

The research paper examines the 2013 Elysée Summit on Peace and Security, noting that despite institutional changes in France—such as the liquidation of the Africa Cell and the replacement of the ministry of cooperation with the ministry of development—France remains the primary military 'gendarme' in African conflicts. The author highlights recent interventions in Mali (Operation Serval) and the Central African Republic as evidence that France continues to fill security voids that African institutions cannot yet manage. The paper concludes that African powers, specifically South Africa and Nigeria, should redefine 'African solutions to African problems' to include external pivots and improve coordination through initiatives like the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC).

The document reviews negotiation support projects aimed at helping vulnerable countries represent their interests in international climate negotiations. It identifies three drivers of influence—strengthening delegations, developing strategies, and shaping negotiations—and notes a shift from providing basic financial aid for attendance toward technical position development and alliance building. The report outlines core principles for future projects, emphasizing demand-led activities, sustainable capacity building, and the need for formal processes to capture lessons learned.

The document outlines the role of the Coalition for Rainforest Nations (CfRN) in supporting developing countries during international climate negotiations, specifically focusing on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+). It argues that the Kyoto Protocol failed to address deforestation, which accounts for approximately 20% of annual global CO2 emissions, and details CfRN's strategies for capacity building, including technical support, negotiation training, and securing leadership roles for delegates. Case studies from the Dominican Republic, Papua New Guinea, and Liberia illustrate the practical application of these supports in national policy and international diplomacy.

The report identifies three 'drivers of influence' for supporting negotiators: strengthening delegations, developing strategies, and shaping international negotiations. It notes a shift from early projects that primarily provided financial aid for attendance toward more recent efforts focused on technical positions and alliance building. The authors recommend that future support be demand-led, flexible, and focused on building sustainable domestic capacity and trust between providers and beneficiaries.

The document outlines a hybrid monitoring and evaluation (M&E) framework used by the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) to track the effectiveness of its Negotiations Support programme. Because international climate negotiations are complex and non-linear, CDKN moved away from traditional linear causal chains toward 'outcome mapping,' which focuses on behavioral changes in 'boundary partners' (negotiators and delegations). The framework uses five 'Dimensions of Change' as proxies for outcome challenges, with specific 'progress markers' categorized by ambition: 'expect to see', 'like to see', and 'love to see'. Early results indicate that change was observed across all five dimensions, with the most significant progress in negotiator capacity and coordination. The paper argues that while direct attribution of negotiation successes to specific interventions is difficult and politically sensitive, this approach allows for the identification of 'plausible contributions'.

The report argues that avoiding dangerous climate change requires a sophisticated international regime combining top-down UNFCCC direction with broad bottom-up action. It identifies climate diplomacy as the critical interface between national interest debates and international cooperation, requiring three core capabilities: 'knowing yourself' (understanding national interests), 'knowing the other' (analyzing other actors' constraints), and the 'capacity to influence' (integrating priorities into diplomatic channels). The authors highlight that most countries have not yet sufficiently embedded climate change into their 'whole of government' decision-making machinery, often leaving it siloed in environment ministries. The document outlines the evolution of the climate regime from narrow UNFCCC negotiations to a broader system including the G20, Major Economies Forum, and security councils, while emphasizing the need for strategic confidence-building and the use of 'unusual alliances' to overcome political stalemates.

The article analyzes how Brazil, South Africa, India, and China formed the BASIC group to coordinate on climate change and seek alternative growth pathways due to the realization that global resources are insufficient to replicate the development models of industrialized nations.

The document argues that leaders of Least Developed Countries (LDCs) should integrate climate messaging into foreign and diplomatic affairs to catalyse collective action. It proposes a three-point plan: raising domestic awareness of climate action as a national interest, identifying how other governments perceive climate action as their own national interest, and training diplomatic corps on climate issues while educating experts in policy-relevant communication. The authors base these recommendations on experiences from the Republic of the Marshall Islands and the LDC negotiating group within the UNFCCC.

The document outlines the mechanics of consensus-building within the UNFCCC, emphasizing the human element of negotiations. It provides guidance for negotiators on knowing their national 'red lines', mastering technical substance, and building trust through transparency. It also highlights the challenges faced by new negotiators, such as complex schedules and technical jargon, and suggests capacity-building measures like mentoring and the use of external policy briefs to facilitate smoother international cooperation.

The document outlines how climate diplomacy can advance multilateral action beyond the UNFCCC and identifies barriers and strategies for countries, especially LDCs, to build their diplomatic capacity. It recommends a 'whole-government approach' to integrate climate change across ministries and the development of specialized skills for diplomats and climate experts.

The document identifies six key lessons for supporting international climate negotiators from vulnerable nations, emphasizing the importance of early alignment on priorities, maintaining institutional memory, and providing both administrative and technical assistance. It highlights that while technical support can increase a delegation's ability to draft text and influence outcomes, such support must be delivered neutrally and confidentially to respect national sovereignty.

The report identifies that consensus in the UNFCCC is a complex 'human process' driven by the interaction of political context, negotiation dynamics, and group process. It emphasizes the critical role of 'hybrid' negotiators and chairs who possess both technical expertise and diplomatic skills. Key recommendations for improving the process include reducing the number of negotiating tracks to allow for deeper domestic consultation and leveraging informal dialogues to build trust. While the consensus-based model is slow, interviewees generally viewed it as essential for the legitimacy of agreements, particularly for vulnerable countries.

The author examines the impact of civil society organizations (CSOs) on the democratic legitimacy of UNFCCC negotiations. While CSOs are widely integrated into delegations and observer roles, survey experiments indicate that citizens do not necessarily perceive their presence as an automatic improvement in transparency, representation, or effectiveness. However, the removal of CSOs from delegations leads to a dramatic decrease in perceived legitimacy, suggesting that their inclusion is essential for maintaining public support for global climate governance.

The document explains the mechanics of consensus in the UNFCCC, where agreement is defined as the "absence of any formal objection." It provides practical guidance for negotiators to build trust, understand national and substantive issues, and balance ambition with compromise. Additionally, it outlines the structural components of the UNFCCC, including the Conference of the Parties (COP), subsidiary bodies, and various negotiating blocs such as the G77&China and the European Union.

The document outlines several CDKN-supported initiatives in Nepal, most notably a project launched in October 2012 to calculate the economic costs of climate change within the water and agriculture sectors. It also highlights efforts to strengthen Nepal's strategic engagement with the UNFCCC, including the training of a Core Negotiating Team and Nepal's election as chair of the LDC Group. Other mentioned projects include the integration of climate indicators into the Food Security Monitoring System (NeKSAP), the development of the Nepal Climate Change Knowledge Management Centre (NCCKMC), and research on disaster risk reduction in the Koshi River Basin.

The document analyzes the challenges facing the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action (ADP) in creating an inclusive international climate agreement. It highlights the tension between the need for cautious progress and the risk of entrenching old divisions among emitters, arguing that success at COP 18 requires balancing ADP progress with other negotiating tracks.

The World Resources Institute calls on the re-elected President Obama to establish a strong national climate and energy strategy, including carbon pricing and stricter emissions standards for power plants, to move beyond a 'piecemeal approach' and secure a competitive position in the $2.3 trillion clean energy market.